An attempt is made to test the hyp that the more homogeneous the SE bases of pol'al parties, the weaker the r between soc participation & SL. 3 countries are compared: the US, Great Britain, & West Germany. Though it was not found to be possible to order the latter 2 nations re the degree of association between SL & degree of participation, the hyp seems supportable if the US is compared with Great Britain on the one hand, & West Germany on the other. IPSA Tr by A. Potter.
Involvement in citizenship and political participation of immigrant populations or populations of immigrant origin are often seen as important dimensions of the integration process into the settlement society. Investment in civic life is strongly influenced by the level of trust in institutions such as schools, public services and in particular the police. It is reflected, inter alia, in political participation. This will be addressed here by the inclusion on the electoral roll, an issue which was debated after the 2005 suburbs crisis, and by the political positioning of 'France de la Diversity'. ; L'implication dans la citoyenneté et la participation politique des populations immigrées ou d'origine immigrée sont souvent considérées comme des dimensions importantes du processus d'intégration dans la société d'installation. L'investissement dans la vie citoyenne est fortement influencé par le degré de confiance accordé aux institutions comme l'école, les services publics et notamment la police. Il se traduit, entre autres, par la participation à la vie politique. Celle-ci sera appréhendée ici par l'inscription sur les listes électorales, question qui a fait débat après la crise des banlieues de 2005, et par le positionnement politique de la " France de la diversité ".
The article focuses on the differences in political participation among post-communist countries. First, it explores the variation in the level of political participation among post-communist states. Second, it deals with the differences in the determinants that account for political participation in individual countries. The second objective is met by introducing a three-dimensional explanatory model of political participation: individual resources, motivations, and social networks. In an empirical analysis political participation in nine post-communist countries is examined using data from the International Social Survey Programme 2004. Results show that the countries under study vary in the level of political participation both at the aggregate and individual levels. The most active citizens are in the former East Germany and Slovakia. Polish and Hungarian citizens participate in politics the least. Further, two modes of political participation – protest activity and contacting – are identified and used as dependent variables in further analysis. In the second part of the article, the explanatory model is tested against data from individual countries. The analysis shows that there is a difference in the factors that account for political participation in various post-communist countries. Generally, the three-level model of political participation works best in Hungary, Bulgaria, and East Germany. It explains very little variation in Russia and Poland.
The status of minorities is in the modern world generally considered to be one of the measures of consolidation of democracy. This text analyzes position of members of Italian and Hungarian minorities in Slovene political system and the rate of their political participation in the decision-making process. The first part of this study is based on the analysis of the Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia and other fundamental laws that determinate the position of autochthonous minorities in Slovenia. The second part subsequently deals with the real possibilities of minorities' representatives to influence political decisions and their ability to enforce their rights and claims both on the local and state level.
La recherche est souvent affaire de cycles et de redécouvertes. Ce livre n'échappe pas à cette logique. À l'instar d'Alan Zuckerman qui s'intéresse aux logiques sociales du politique ou de Céline Braconnier1 qui insiste sur l'importance des groupes d'appartenance primaire des individus pour saisir leurs comportements électoraux, le travail de Meredith Rolfe vise à resocialiser l'individu, ici quand il s'agit d'aller voter. Pour l'auteure, il faut sortir d'une analyse atomistique, qu'elle soit centrée sur le calcul des coûts ou des bénéfices (Anthony Downs), ou bien des ressources civiques, afin de proposer une « théorie sociale » de la participation électorale [Premier paragraphe].
La recherche est souvent affaire de cycles et de redécouvertes. Ce livre n'échappe pas à cette logique. À l'instar d'Alan Zuckerman qui s'intéresse aux logiques sociales du politique ou de Céline Braconnier1 qui insiste sur l'importance des groupes d'appartenance primaire des individus pour saisir leurs comportements électoraux, le travail de Meredith Rolfe vise à resocialiser l'individu, ici quand il s'agit d'aller voter. Pour l'auteure, il faut sortir d'une analyse atomistique, qu'elle soit centrée sur le calcul des coûts ou des bénéfices (Anthony Downs), ou bien des ressources civiques, afin de proposer une « théorie sociale » de la participation électorale [Premier paragraphe].
La recherche est souvent affaire de cycles et de redécouvertes. Ce livre n'échappe pas à cette logique. À l'instar d'Alan Zuckerman qui s'intéresse aux logiques sociales du politique ou de Céline Braconnier1 qui insiste sur l'importance des groupes d'appartenance primaire des individus pour saisir leurs comportements électoraux, le travail de Meredith Rolfe vise à resocialiser l'individu, ici quand il s'agit d'aller voter. Pour l'auteure, il faut sortir d'une analyse atomistique, qu'elle soit centrée sur le calcul des coûts ou des bénéfices (Anthony Downs), ou bien des ressources civiques, afin de proposer une « théorie sociale » de la participation électorale [Premier paragraphe].
Après une longue période de désintérêt voire d'hostilité, de nombreux pays d'émigration tentent aujourd'hui de créer ou renforcer les liens avec leurs citoyens résidant à l'étranger en développant des institutions et en adoptant des politiques publiques spécifiques à leur égard. En l'espace de deux décennies, une majorité d'états dans le monde a ainsi autorisé le vote à distance des citoyens vivant à l'étranger aux élections du pays d'origine et certains ont même mis en place des mécanismes spécifiques de représentation et de consultation pour ces populations. Dans cet article nous nous interrogeons sur l'émergence d'une citoyenneté politique externe et les conséquences qu'elle a sur la participation citoyenne des migrants dans le pays de résidence. ; Following years of disinterest or hostility, many sending states are now trying to create or strengthen linkages with citizens residing abroad. To this end, states are adopting new policies and creating new institutions dedicated to emigrants. In the past three decades, a majority of states worldwide has adopted external voting legislation that enables citizens abroad to vote (and in certain cases be represented) in the home country without having to return. In this article, I question the emergence of such policies and discuss their impact on immigrant political participation in their country of residence. ; Peer reviewed
Argues that the ideas of representation & political participation are at the heart of democracy. However, over the past 200 years concepts & practices have changed. States that it is generally agreed that there is a crisis at present in both areas. Cites as evidence lower voting participation with the result that elected officials are no longer representative of the population. Identifies voter apathy & lack of confidence in systems & individuals as a source. Maintains collective life suffers as a result with excessive individualism & disaffection as consequences. Further, introduces the role of new technologies as an influence. Generalizing about contributions to this edition of the journal, notes the awareness that political parties are on the decline while other group-oriented movies (rights movements, ecological movements) are flourishing. Observes petitions, strikes, demonstrations exist apart from standard elective politics. These facts provide a context for social science when investigating the reality of non-participation. Classical approaches are said not to apply in all instances. To this end contributors make use of some important & original methodologies. In other instances, they seek to explain the emergence of the changes observed. Such longstanding issues as Quebec sovereignty are addressed with research showing differences among groups of young Canadians. Political participation among young artists is at the heart of one essay. New methodology, involving interactive technology, is introduced in this contribution. Issues addressed include the role of context (social, social, institutional, political) in fashioning individual political behavior. In addition to individuals, groups have been studied in how coalitions have renewed political participation, expression of citizenship, & other forms of organized engagement. Conscious of adopting an iconoclastic approach to political participation, the authors regard themselves as describing a form of mobilization in process of development because these coalitions have the potential of replacing more official forms of political organization. Parallel to this is the increase in purely local politics, especially when it comes to ecological issues. Such developments raise issues about political spaces where the population is more eager to participate in small neighborhood spaces & less likely to do so in larger municipal spaces. In such instances, life space & political space become synonymous. This point of view has a serious effect on representation & participation. Generational differences also figure importantly here as well since young (18 to 30 years old) differ from their elders. Finally, mentions new forms of participation: Internet mobilization, for example. R. Ruffin
