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Politics, Law and Psychology are fields that come together in the symbolic. This text takes evidence from those three areas to develop an analysis of political symbols and political transitions. The development of the analysis goes through three stages. The first succinctly describes the concept of transition and its meaning. The second closely examines the notion of the symbol, in terms of its definition, to explain aspects that allow us to understand it, characterise it and make its functions clear. Finally, from the author's experience as a witness and as an actor, I suggest three ways of understanding symbols in the processes of political transition: as symbols of change, as symbols of acknowledgment, and as symbols of support.

La finalidad de este artículo es revisitar el complejo concepto de cultura política, reflexionando sobre el origen, la existencia de diferentes culturas políticas, los debates suscitados, la dificultad metodológica de su aplicación y la utilidad que su uso reporta a la Ciencia Política. Para ello se repasan las teorías clásicas de la cultura política y las críticas que han recibido teniendo en cuenta factores territoriales, históricos, psicológicos, institucionales y metodológicos que culminan en la propuesta de un nuevo esquema interpretativo. ; The purpose of this article is to revisit the complex concept of political culture. This work reflects on its origin, the existence of different political cultures, the debates raised, the methodological difficulty of its application and the benefits that its use adds to Political Science. To this end, the classical theories of political culture and the criticisms they have received are reviewed, taking into account territorial, historical, psychological, institutional and methodological factors that culminate in the proposal of a new interpretative scheme.

The power, as obtained, exercised, organized and preserved, is the subject of political science. In this premise exists absolute identity between political science and communist sensis, what is understood as the set of shared knowledge within a community tradition. Also, there is a consensus in ancient and modern societies, that power is primarily a relationship of subordination, in which a group of people set the rules and others comply with them, in which decisions are made within a set of rules that are obeyed and the acceptance is made in the consensus or by imposition, in a democratic or authoritarian way but it establishes the recognized and accepted relationship of subordination.

La confianza política ha sido identificada como uno de los indicadores centrales de la adhesión de los ciudadanos a su sistema político y, en especial, a la democracia. Como consecuencia de esto, investigadores han planteado que existe una estrecha relación entre confianza y participación política. Sin embargo, las características de dicha relación no han sido del todo definidas en la literatura comparada. En este artículo exploro la relación entre confianza y participación política en América Latina utilizando datos de lapop 2014. Sostengo que los individuos que más confían en sus instituciones tienden a participar en mayor medida en modalidades de participación convencionales, mientras que aquellos que desconfían más de sus instituciones utilizan otros mecanismos, como las protestas. En esa relación, la eficacia política ocupa un lugar importante en los mecanismos de participación convencional.

The power, as obtained, exercised, organized and preserved, is the subject of political science. In this premise exists absolute identity between political science and communist sensis, what is understood as the set of shared knowledge within a community tradition. Also, there is a consensus in ancient and modern societies, that power is primarily a relationship of subordination, in which a group of people set the rules and others comply with them, in which decisions are made within a set of rules that are obeyed and the acceptance is made in the consensus or by imposition, in a democratic or authoritarian way but it establishes the recognized and accepted relationship of subordination.

Esta propuesta a modo de campaña electoral paralela se realizó dentro de la exposición individual Speculation Times en el espacio "La Esfera Azúl" de Valencia, del 21 de Febrero al 4 de Marzo de 1996. ; SIN FINANCIACIÓN ; No data (2008)

In this article, I propose a reading of the book Razones Públicas by Andrés Rosler. The aim of the text is to rise some methodological questions about the definition of political theory the author uses. In order to do so, firstly, I ask about the way of working on history in relation to the non-historical and the judgment. Secondly, I ask how to define republicanism and its contingent character. Finally, I ask about the relationship between a republican political theory as the one Rosler puts forward and the political present. I hope this piece may serve to open a debate on ways of defining and working in political theory. ; En el presente artículo realizo una lectura del libro Razones pú- blicas de Andrés Rosler. El objetivo del texto es presentar algunas preguntas metodológicas en torno a la definición de teoría política que aparece allí. Para ello, en primer lugar, indago sobre el modo de trabajar sobre la historia en relación a lo no-histórico y al juicio. En segundo lugar, me pregunto por el modo de definir el republicanismo y su carácter contingente. Por último, me pregunto por la relación entre una teoría política republicana como la propuesta y el presente político. Me interesa, ante todo, que el texto sirva para abrir el debate sobre modos de definir y trabajar en teoría política.

Este trabajo presenta los resultados de una investigación cualitativa que explora el fenómeno de la promoción publicitaria de los políticos de carrera en contenidos televisivos no comerciales, la cual tuvo un auge a partir de la reforma electoral de los años 2007-2008. A partir de entonces se prohibió la compraventa de espacios en medios electrónicos para la promoción político-electoral, así como la aparición de funcionarios públicos en la publicidad oficial. Por medio de entrevistas a profundidad se recopiló información que, codificada con base en el modelo de la teoría fundamentada de Strauss y Corbin, permitió comprobar la existencia de publicidad política encubierta, así como esbozar una definición de la misma y determinar sus características, causas y consecuencias. De esta forma se concluye que, pese al cambio legal con el que se intentó introducir un nuevo modelo de comunicación política más equitativo y erradicar la venta de espacios en televisión para publicidad política, esto no fue posible dadas las condiciones estructurales del sistema político mexicano y la relación existente entre medios y gobierno, misma que impacta sobre la comunicación política a la vez que rebasa la cuestión electoral y su marco regulatorio.

The objective of the investigation was to analyze the structure and administration of the political system in Iraq (post-ISIS). After 2003, the Iraqi political system suffered the fundamental problem of its failure to achieve the political and social inclusion that characterizes democratic systems, to guarantee the establishment of a "state for all", while respecting differences. Political representation has moved from the system of sectarian ethnic components, under the title of consensual democracy, to the representation of leaders and the realization of their interests and the interests of their parties at the expense of the groups that claim to represent them, which complicates the problem. In this sense, the new political system could not represent social pluralism, on the one hand, and could not satisfy the demands of the same components on the other. Methodologically, it is a political investigation in the framework of the analysis of the political system. It was concluded that the search for new balances is a pending issue. While these emerging balances and arrangements are still fragile and immature to the extent required, they represent a clear entry point to reshape the regime's political structure in one form or another.

This essay articulates the differences and suggests the similarities between the practices of Socratic political speaking and those of Platonic political writing. The essay delineates Socratic speaking and Platonic writing as both erotically oriented toward ideals capable of transforming the lives of individuals and their relationships with one another. Besides it shows that in the Protagoras the practices of Socratic political speaking are concerned less with Protagoras than with the individual young man, Hippocrates. In the Phaedo, this ideal of a Socrates is amplified in such a way that Platonic writing itself emerges as capable of doing with readers what Socratic speaking did with those he encountered. Socrates is the Platonic political ideal. The result is a picture of the transformative political power of Socratic speaking and Platonic writing both.

This essay articulates the differences and suggests the similarities between the practices of Socratic political speaking and those of Platonic political writing. The essay delineates Socratic speaking and Platonic writing as both erotically oriented toward ideals capable of transforming the lives of individuals and their relationships with one another. Besides it shows that in the Protagoras the practices of Socratic political speaking are concerned less with Protagoras than with the individual young man, Hippocrates. In the Phaedo, this ideal of a Socrates is amplified in such a way that Platonic writing itself emerges as capable of doing with readers what Socratic speaking did with those he encountered. Socrates is the Platonic political ideal. The result is a picture of the transformative political power of Socratic speaking and Platonic writing both.

"Este Artículo pertenece a la sección Giraciscos. Spanish political hit parade. "