El objetivo de este artículo es discutir nociones fundamentales del análisis del discurso político a la luz de las propuestas teóricas de Jacques Rancière. A tal fin, revisaremos el funcionamiento de definiciones y categorías con las que distintos autores contribuyeron a esa disciplina. Sugerimos que esta lectura del análisis de la enunciación política puede optimizar la organización epistemológica de ese ámbito de estudios y, al mismo tiempo, permite volver a considerar cuestiones problemáticas de la política contemporánea (la construcción de colectivos). Asimismo, nos habilita a reflexionar sobre el lugar de intervención del analista en el marco de un proyecto de emancipación.
The political theory of Thomas Hobbes consider that the social order started with three primaries states: natural state, social contract and civil state. This article tries to demonstrate that in order to better understand the political thinking of Hobbes we must take in consideration the materialist-mechanical principles of his ontology, because these explain the final aspects of human existence. The method used by Hobbes is descriptive-compositive which has as finality the knowledge of the whole reality by the meaning of discovering its origins. The establishment of civil order is based not only on the psychological premises of the people in the natural state, but also requires the support of a reality adapted to this state. In this sense the hobbesian determinism places the individual in a network of complex causal relations which oblige him to institute the social contract, which is needed by the functioning of the subject in the natural order.
The work aims to investigate the constitution of love as a discursive sociological object. This point of view has its theoretical framework in the theories of M. Bajtín and M. Foucault who consider discourse as a social fact (Bajtín), distancing themselves from linguistics to obtain a more extensive vision of discursiveness (Foucault). We also consider the material effects on the social constitution of the subjects. These effects are related to two aspects of social languages: their performative functioning and their role as models. Although we are not going to dwell on the implementation of these concepts, we want to underline their importance as a framework for this reflection. The final intention of the article is to present a positive idea of love passions, thinking of them as a thermometer of social spaces that we provisionally call public spaces, to reinvict emotions that from certain positions of feminism are viewed and criticized negatively. With this we want to point out, on the one hand, the importance of the subject in the context of a certain culture and, on the other hand, to mark the historical limitation of the concept of love. ; El trabajo se propone indagar sobre la constitución del amor como objeto sociológico discursivo. Este punto de vista posee su marco teórico en las teorías de M. Bajtín y M. Foucault quienes consideran al discurso como un hecho social (Bajtín), distanciándose de la lingüística para obtener una visión más extensa de la discursividad (Foucault). Igualmenteconsideramos los efectos materiales en la constitución social de los sujetos. Estos efectos guardan relación con dos aspectos de los lenguajes sociales: su funcionamiento performativo ysu rol modélico. Si bien no vamos a detenernos en la implementación de estos conceptos, queremos subrayarsu importancia como marco de esta reflexión. La intención final del artículo es presentar una idea positiva de las pasiones amorosas, pensándolas como termómetro de espacios sociales que llamamos provisoriamente espacios públicos, para reivindicar emociones que desde ciertas posturas del feminismo son vistas y criticadas negativamente. Con ello queremos señalar, por un lado, la pregnancia del tema en el ámbito de una determinadacultura y,por otro lado, marcar la limitación histórica del concepto de amor.
Economists and Political scientists have suggested for a long time that democracy and the environment are linked. What they did not analyze in detail is ifthe way in which politicians are elected influences the environment as well. Thescope of this paper is to fill this gap. Using high quality data on a cross section of countries, coming from previous studies, we find strong results suggestingthat politicians in majoritarian systems are less interested in environmental commitments than those in proportional representations. The consequence is thatenvironmental commitments are lower in the former system than in the latter.
Professors dels Estudis de Dret i Ciència Política van participar al congrés "Internet, Politics, Policy 2010: An Impact Assessment", celebrat el passat 16 i 17 de setembre a Oxford i organitzat per l'Oxford Internet Institut. ; Lecturers in Law and Political Science Studies took part in the "Internet, Politics, Policy 2010: An Impact Assessment" congress in Oxford on 16 and 17 September, organised by the Oxford Internet Institute. ; Profesores de los Estudios de Derecho y Ciencia Política de la UOC participaron en el congreso "Internet, Politics, Policy 2010: An Impact Assessment" celebrado el pasado 16 y 17 de septiembre en Oxford y organizado por el Oxford Internet Institut.
No abstracts available.Realidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 93, 2003: 471-476 ; No hay resúmenes disponiblesRealidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 93, 2003: 471-476
This paper analyzes the features of formation of the deputy corps of the representative bodies in Tatarstan with an emphasis on gender. In the focus of the study were the election campaign of the President of Tatarstan and the federal, regional and local elections. The conclusion is made about a not enough developed gender-sensitive policy in the republic. Оксана Красильникова; Красильникова, Оксана
Innovation politics should be distinguished from science ad technology politics, due to the diverse kinds and sources of innovation, not only based on scientific knowledge. This article suggests a pluralist model and an axiological innovation definition and is concentrated on social innovation. As a main example of innovation politics, Nation Innovation British Report (2008) is analyzed, promoting diverse types of innovation. ; Las políticas de innovación deberían distinguirse de las políticas de ciencia y tecnología, debido a que hay varios tipos y fuentes de innovaciones, no sólo las basadas en conocimiento científico. Este artículo propone un modelo pluralista y una definición axiológica de innovación y se centra en la innovación social. Como principal ejemplo de política de innovación, se analiza el Informe Británico Nation Innovation (2008), que promueve diferentes tipos de innovación.
This paper develops a simple model to investigate how resource-driven economic booms shape the equilibrium political institutions of resource-rich societies and influence the likelihood of experiencing civil war. In our model a strong government apparatus favors property rights protection but also makes the state more powerful and hence may induce predatory autocratic regimes over democracy. We characterize the parameter space of each political outcome in terms of the type of the available natural resources. Economic booms based on resources that are privately exploited empower the citizens and tend to ease democratic transitions. In contrast, booms based on resources exploited by the state tend to favor more dictatorial regimes. Finally, economic booms based on resources that can be exploited either by the state or by private citizens incite preemptive actions by both parties that may result in civil war. We discuss the predictions of the model using historical and contemporary examples.
