Suchergebnisse

[3], 135 p. ; Marginal notes. ; Signed: Sa. Oxon. ; Reproduction of original in Huntington Library.

[12], 182 [i.e. 128] p. ; A second part was published in the same year. ; Reproduction of original in British Library.

Social phenomenon as orphanhoodis investigated in the article. The orphanhood is a social phenomenon that characterizes the condition of a child, who is temporarily or permanently outside the family environment because of the loss of parents, as well as of a child, who, for some reasons or for his own interests, cannot remain in the family environment, needs the protection or help from the state. The purpose of the article is investigation of the main problems of social orphanhood in modern Ukrainian society. The main types of social orphanhoodare identified: complete orphanhood (children became orphans due to the death of parents) and social orphanhood (children of parents, who do not fulfill their responsibilities for various reasons, namely, such children are one of the main categories among disadvantaged children). The main reasons, which provoke (determine) the emergence of social orphanhood, neglect and homelessness of children in Ukraine at the present stage are considered. Two criteria of the reasons of social orphanhood are analyzed. Factors that carry out an external negative impact on the family should be attributed to the first, internal negative factors that may appear in the environment of family because of influence of external factors should be attributed to the second. It is indicated that the policy in the field of preparing young people for parenthood, teaching parents to perform their functions in issues of education and caring for children, explaining the responsibility of parents for the education of law-abiding citizens of our state, needs to be changed for solving the problem of social orphanhood. It is indicated about the need for an effective state policy that is aimed at increasing the level of material provision of the population, the creation of work places and the amount of salaries that is corresponding to vital needs; about the need of creation of social programs for material and psychological support of families with children, young families, single-parent families. The social policy of the Ukrainian government should be aimed at raising family values, forming a cult of the family, and education of responsibility of parents for fulfilling their parental responsibilities. ; У статті досліджено таке соціальне явище, як сирітство. Сирітство – соціальне явище, що характери- зує стан дитини, яка тимчасово чи постійно перебуває поза сімейним оточенням унаслідок втрати батьків, а також дитини, яка не може з певних причин чи з власних інтересів залишитися в сімейному оточенні, потребує захисту чи допомоги з боку держави. Метою статті є дослідження основних проблем соціального сирітства в сучасному українському суспільстві. Виділено основні види соціального сирітства: повне сирітство (діти стали сиротами у зв'язку із смертю або загибеллю батьків) та соціальне сирітство (діти батьків, які не виконують своїх обов'язків з різних причин, саме такі діти складають одну з основних категорій серед неблагополучних дітей). Розглянуті основні причини, що провокують (детермінують) появу соціального сирітства, бездоглядності й безпритульністі дітей в Україні на сучасному етапі. Проаналізовано два критерії причин появи соціального сирітства. До першої слід віднести фактори, що здійснюють зовнішній негативний вплив на сім'ю, а до другої – внутрішні негативні чинники, що можуть появитися в середовищі сім'ї, внаслідок впливу зовнішніх факторів. Вказано, що для вирішення проблеми соціального сирітства, необхідно змінити політику в області підготовки молоді до батьківства, навчання батьків виконувати свої функції в питаннях виховання дітей та турботи про них, роз'яснення відповідальності батьків за виховання законослухняних громадян нашої держави. Вказано про необхід- ність ефективної державної політики, спрямованої на підвищення рівня матеріального забезпечення населення, створення робочих місць і відповідного життєвим потребам розміру оплати праці; про необхідність створення соціальних програм для матеріальної та психологічної підтримки сімей із дітьми, молодих сімей, неповних сімей. Соціальна політика українського уряду повинна бути спрямована на піднесення сімейних цінностей, формування культу сім'ї, виховання в батьків відповідальності за виконання ними своїх батьківських обов'язків.

Ziel dieser Studie war die Untersuchung jener Gründe, warum die Village Common Forests (VCFs) in den Chittagong Hill Tracts von Bangladesch allmählich an Größe und Menge verlieren, obwohl VCF eine nachhaltige Technik der Waldbewirtschaftung darstellt. Für die vorliegende wissenschaftliche Arbeit wurden Felderhebungen in den drei VCFs der Distrikte Rangamati, Bandarban und Khargrachari in den Chittagong Hill Tracts in Bangladesch mittels halbstrukturierter Interviews und Fokusgruppendiskussionen mit Forest User Groups (FUG) und NGO-Mitarbeitern, die mit VCFs Arbeitserfahrungen haben, durchgeführt. Feldbesuche bei den verschiedenen VCFs zeigten, dass die Größe der VCFs zwischen 15 und 250 Hektar variiert und die Anzahl der davon wirtschaftlich abhängigen Familien zwischen 50 und 240 Familien liegt. VCFs in den Chittagong Hill Tracts sind zugleich wertvolle Bewahrungszonen für die biologische Vielfalt. Es sind dort verschiedenste Pflanzen und Tiere beheimatet, darunter Kräuter und Pflanzen, die auch in der indigenen Medizin Verwendung finden sowie einige seltene Pflanzenarten, die in staatlich bewirtschafteten Wäldern nicht vorkommen. Der Lebensunterhalt der Ureinwohner ist aus verschiedenen Gründen untrennbar mit den Ressourcen des VCF verbunden, darunter Baumaterialien, Brennholz, Holz und Nahrungsquellen. Die VCFs speichern sehr viel Wasser und sind deshalb eine wichtige Quelle für den täglichen Bedarf an Trinkwasser und werden auch für die Bewässerung von den Landwirten genutzt, da sie einen kontinuierliche Quellschüttung garantieren und Bäche und kleinere Flüsse in der CHT mit Wasser anreichern. Die VCFs beziehen sich auch auf die Religionen, kulturellen Überzeugungen, Rituale und Zeremonien der indigenen Völker. Aus sozialen, ökologischen, wirtschaftlichen, medizinischen und kulturellen Gründen sind VCFs für die indigenen Völker in der CHT von immensem Wert. Trotz der Tatsache, dass VCFs eine wirksame Technik zur Erhaltung der Wälder darstellen, die kurz vor einer enormen Waldzerstörung in Bangladesch stehen, nehmen Größe und Anzahl der VCFs aus verschiedenen Gründen ständig ab. Die Studie ergab, dass das Management von VCFs für den Lebensunterhalt der Menschen in der Region von immer größerer Bedeutung wird, zusätzlich zur Anerkennung des traditionellen Ressourcenmanagementsystems, der Anerkennung der üblichen gemeinsamen Eigentumsrechte, der Gewährleistung der Sicherheit des Landbesitzes und dem Schutz vor politischen Nachlässigkeit. Um Landraub oder gewaltsame Beschlagnahme von Ureinwohnern durch Außenstehende und eine übermäßige Ausbeutung zu beenden, ist es sehr wichtig, technische Schulungen zum Management von VCF und finanzielle Anreize für die Gemeinden der VCFs anzubieten, das Bewusstsein für die Vorteile von VCFs zu schärfen, die Beteiligung von Frauen an Entscheidungsprozessen und im Management von VCFs zu fördern und Schulungen und Seminare zum Klimawandel und zur Umweltzerstörung anzubieten. ; The aim of this study was to explore the reasons why the Village Common Forests (VCFs) in the Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh are gradually declining in size and quantity despite VCF being a sustainable technique of forest management. For this study, field visits were carried out in the three VCFs of Rangamati, Bandarban and Khargrachari districts of Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh, through semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions with Forest User Groups (FUG) and NGO workers who have VCFs related work experiences. Field visits to the different VCFs shows that the VCFs vary in size from 15 acres to 250 acres and the number of families dependent also ranges from 50 families to 240 families. VCFs in the Chittagong Hill Tracts are repositories of biodiversity as they are homes of diverse plants and animals, including herbs and plants used in indigenous medicine as well as some rare species of plants trees that are not found in state managed forests. The livelihoods of the indigenous people are inextricably dependent on the VCFs resources for various reasons including construction materials, fuel-wood, timber and as sources of food. The VCFs are also major sources of water for daily domestic use and irrigation for farmers as they keep sustained flow of annual and perennial springs, streams and small rivers in the CHT. The VCFs are also related to the religions, cultural beliefs, rituals and ceremonies of the indigenous peoples. Therefore, for social, environmental, economic, medical and cultural reasons, VCFs are of immense value to the indigenous people in the CHT. Despite the fact that VCFs are an effective technique for forest preservation on the verge of enormous forest degradation in Bangladesh, VCFs are still gradually decreasing in size and number due to various reasons. The study found out that management of VCFs are becoming increasingly crucial for the sustenance of the people in the region and in addition to acknowledgement of traditional resource management system, recognition of customary common property rights, providing land tenure security, safeguarding of no policy negligence, end land grabbing or forceful confiscation of indigenous by outsiders and a over exploitation, it is very essential to provide technical trainings on VCFs management and financial incentives to the VCFs communities, provide awareness building on the benefits of VCFs, encourage women participation in decision making and in management of VCFs and provide trainings and seminar on climate change and environmental degradation. ; by Priyanka Tanchangya ; Enthält Zusammenfassungen in Deutsch und Englisch ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Masterarbeit, 2020 ; (VLID)5332935

The state of the agrarian insurance market in Ukraine is analyzed. The data of insurance of crops in the period from 2005 to 2018 are given. Compares the indicators of 2018 underwriting year to the indicators of previous years: the number of concluded contracts, the size of the insured sown area, the sum of insurance contracts, insurance premiums, insurance payments and the number of types of insured crops. The trend of use of combined insurance protection is monitored: insurance against total death during the period of hibernation plus spring frosts. It was determined that the reason for a sharp increase in the conclusion of contracts for animal insurance in 2018 underwriting year is the conclusion of contracts with individuals. The essence and necessity of agrarian insurance for agricultural commodity producers are determined. The role of the state in the process of organization of agrarian insurance in Ukraine is determined. Participation of the state in support of agricultural risk insurance is dictated, on the one hand, by the uniqueness of agricultural risks, and, on the other hand, the need to make financial assistance to the state of agriculture targeted and targeted. It has been determined that due to lack of budget funds and for a number of other objective reasons, the government has refused to finance the previously introduced subsidized agricultural insurance program. Therefore, the state lost the opportunity to influence the market of agrarian insurance. The general level of development of insurance of agricultural risks at the present stage is investigated and the main reasons for the reluctance of agricultural enterprises to conclude insurance contracts for the safeguarding of their crops and future yields from possible risks are identified. Among these reasons are: high level of distrust of agricultural producers to insurers and low awareness of the general mechanism of agrarian insurance. Defined tasks that need to be done to increase the interaction between insurers and insurers in the agrarian insurance sector. The issues of cooperation of the Ministry of Agrarian Policy and Food with the IFC Project "Development of Financing of the Agrarian Sector in Europe and Central Asia", which is aimed at establishing a constructive dialogue with the insurers, is disclosed. The given recommendations on introduction of an agrarian insurance pool in Ukraine. ; Аналізується стан ринку аграрного страхування в Україні. Наведені дані страхування сільськогосподарських культур в період з 2005 по 2018 рік. Порівнюються показники 2018 андеррайтингового року до показників минулих років: кількість укладених договорів, величини застрахованих посівних площ, страхові суми договорів, страхові премії, страхові виплати та кількість видів застрахованих сільськогосподарських культур. Відслідковується зберігання тенденції використання комбінованого страхового захисту: страхування від повної загибелі на період перезимівлі плюс весняні заморозки. Визначено, що причиною різкого збільшення укладання договорів на страхування тварин у 2018 андеррайтинговому році є укладання договорів з фізичними особами. Визначається сутність та необхідність аграрного страхування для сільськогосподарських товаровиробників. Визначається роль держави у процесі організації аграрного страхування в Україні. Участь держави у підтримці страхування сільськогосподарських ризиків диктується, з одного боку, унікальністю сільськогосподарських ризиків, а з другого – необхідністю зробити фінансову допомогу держави сільському господарству адресною і цільовою. Визначено, що через брак бюджетних коштів та з ряду інших об'єктивні причини уряд відмовився від фінансування раніше запровадженої програми субсидованого аграрного страхування. Тому держава втратила можливість впливу на ринок аграрного страхування. Досліджено загальний рівень розвитку страхування сільськогосподарських ризиків на сучасному етапі та визначено основні причини небажання сільськогосподарських підприємств укладати страхові договори по убезпеченню своїх посівних площ та майбутнього врожаю від можливих ризиків. Серед цих причин: високий рівень недовіри виробників сільськогосподарської продукції до страховиків та низька обізнаність в загальному механізмі аграрного страхування. Визначені завдання, які необхідно виконати для збільшення взаємодії між страхувальниками та страховиками в аграрній страховій сфері. Розкрито питання співпраці Міністерства аграрної політики та продовольства з Проектом IFC "Розвиток фінансування аграрного сектору в Європі та Центральній Азії", завданням якої є встановлення конструктивного діалогу зі страховиками. Надані рекомендації щодо впровадження в Україні аграрного страхового пулу.

This research is motivated by a thought that domestic violence is every act against a person, especially a woman, resulting in physical, sexual, psychological, and / or neglect of the suffering or suffering of the household. Seeing the fact, should not be much more domestic violence, but the reality of proving domestic violence is increasing. The purpose of the study: first, to know and analyze the violence in the household that the reason for the occurrence of divorce. Second, to know and analyze the authority of the Religious Courts in handling divorce cases caused by domestic violence. Thirdly, to know and analyze the legal conse­quences of the decision of the Religious Courts in divorce cases caused by domestic violence. Researchers use normative juridical approach method. The research specification used qualitative analytical descriptive research. Sources of data in this study are some judges of the Religious Courts. As the primary data are Law Number 1 Year 1974 About Marriage, KHI and interview guidelines in a structured manner. Against secondary data, the data collection method is done by library research. The results show that domestic violence is the reason for divorce. The reasons for divorce caused by cruelty or severe maltreatment have been set forth in the following provisions: a) provided for in Article 39 paragraph (2) of the explanation of Law Number 1 Year 1974 con­cerning Marriage; b) is regulated in Article 19 point (d) of Government Regulation Number 9 Year 1975 concerning the imple­mentation of Law Number 1 Year 1974 concerning Marriage; c) is regulated in Article 116 point (d) KHI (Compilation of Islamic Law). These reasons are included in the category of domestic violence. In other words, domestic violence is part of cruelty or severe abuse. The authority of the Religious Courts to handle divorce cases caused by domestic violence has been regulated in the Compilation of Islamic Law (KHI). The legal consequences of the decision of the Religious Courts in divorce cases caused by domestic violence are stipulated in Article 156 of KHI._________________________________________________________Penelitian ini didorong oleh pemikiran bahwa kekerasan dalam rumah tangga adalah setiap tindakan terhadap seseorang, ter­utama wanita, yang mengakibatkan fisik, seksual, psikologis, dan/atau pengabaian penderitaan atau penderitaan rumah tangga. Melihat kenyataan, seharusnya tidak lebih banyak kekerasan dalam rumah tangga, namun kenyataan membuktikan kekerasan dalam rumah tangga semakin meningkat. Tujuan penelitian ini: pertama, untuk mengetahui dan menganalisa kekerasan di rumah tangga yang menjadi alasan terjadinya perceraian. Kedua, untuk menge­tahui dan menganalisis kewenangan Pengadilan Agama dalam menangani kasus perceraian akibat kekerasan dalam rumah tan­g­ga. Ketiga, untuk mengetahui dan menganalisa konsekuensi hukum dari keputusan Pengadilan Agama dalam kasus perceraian yang disebabkan oleh kekerasan dalam rumah tangga. Penelitian meng­gunakan metode pendekatan yuridis normatif. Spesifikasi pe­nelitian ini menggunakan penelitian deskriptif analitik kualitatif. Sumber data dalam penelitian ini adalah beberapa hakim Peng­adilan Agama. Sebagai data utama adalah Undang-Undang Nomor 1 Tahun 1974 tentang Perkawinan, KHI dan pedoman wawancara secara terstruktur. Terhadap data sekunder, metode pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan penelitian kepustakaan. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa kekerasan dalam rumah tangga adalah alasan perceraian. Alasan perceraian yang disebabkan oleh kekejaman atau penganiayaan berat telah diatur dalam ketentuan berikut: a) yang diatur dalam Pasal 39 ayat (2) penjelasan Undang-Undang Nomor 1 Tahun 1974 tentang Perkawinan; b) diatur dalam Pasal 19 huruf (d) Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 9 Tahun 1975 tentang Pe­laksanaan Undang-Undang Nomor 1 Tahun 1974 tentang Per­kawin­an; c) diatur dalam Pasal 116 huruf d (d) KHI (Kompilasi Hukum Islam). Alasan ini termasuk dalam kategori kekerasan dalam rumah tangga. Dengan kata lain, kekerasan dalam rumah tangga adalah bagian dari kekejaman atau penganiayaan berat. Kewenangan Peng­adilan Agama untuk menangani kasus perceraian akibat ke­kerasan dalam rumah tangga telah diatur dalam Kompilasi Hukum Islam (KHI). Konsekuensi hukum dari keputusan Pengadilan Agama dalam kasus perceraian yang disebabkan oleh kekerasan dalam rumah tangga diatur dalam Pasal 156 KHI.

Sönmez (1990: 12) starts his book with the following words on the one hand: "It does not matter whether we are aware of it or not. Approximately 50 families or capital groups have managed Turkey. And the domination of these families has consolidated with every passing year. From economy to politics, from cultural life to the foreign policy, the decisions determining the destiny of 60 million have been decided by these big families or holding companies". On the other hand, Buğra (1994: 187) emphasizes that "the decision to enter into a new area of activity is often taken via suggestions and recommendations of government authorities rather than through an evaluation of market signals". It is obvious that there is an important relationship between governments and businesses. Moreover, as Çolpan, Hikino and Lincoln's book (the Oxford Handbook of Business Groups, 2010) shows, it is important to emphasize that this is not only a case for Turkey but almost for all countries, particularly for developing ones because governments need some specific groups to help them for the growth and sustain it (e.g. Buğra, 1994; Çolpan et al, 2010; Çolpan and Hikino, 2008; Hoskisson, Johnson, Tihanyi and White, 2005; Khanna and Palebu, 2000; Tezel, 1982). Big business groups have undertaken the task of basic developmental actors of modern economic development in successful developing countries (Buğra, 1994; Çolpan et al, 2010; Çolpan and Hikino, 2008). In other words, there are mutual needs between them. In this context, despite the nuances, the holding companies or family holdings in Turkey is assumed under the same conceptual framework with the groups of Spain and South America, business houses of India, chaebol of South Korea, keiretsu of Japan and qiye jituan of China (e.g. Buğra, 1994; Çolpan and Hikino, 2008; Karaevli, 2008; Özkara et al., 2008). The relationship between some giant business groups and governments is an important claim which is often expressed as a necessity to grow and make the achieved growth sustainable (e.g. Buğra, 1994; Schneider, 2010; Tezel, 1982). One of the most important reasons behind the frequent discussion of this claim is the growing interest in diversified business groups, which are frequently seen in developing countries as serious economic actors against developed countries (e.g. Colpan, Hikino and Linkoln, 2010). With diversified business groups that is defined by Colpan and Jones (2016: 69) as "the term business group has been used broadly to encompass quite different organizational forms, including network-type, diversified and pyramidal groups, even if most research has focused on 'diversified' business groups that are active in technologically unrelated businesses", the studies on business groups and developing countries show that it is one of the most common growth options, although Nguyen and Cai, (2016) argue that diversification is a rare event. The diversification strategy, which is the most important growth method of these groups and the popularity of the diversification strategy has also constituted an important field of study (Colpan and Jones, 2016). In this context, while it is often claimed that the main motivations identified in the central countries are valid for the whole world, on the contrary, it is emphasized that cultural and national differences will also lead to differences in this field. This study also predicts that the main drivers will differ in different countries. For this reason, it is claimed that the adoption of the diversification strategy of business groups in Turkey, which has a different class from the central country in terms of the national business systems that Whitley presents, can be based on more political-based reasons than the main sources of motivation in the central literature. This study is tried to examine that, different motivations may be the subject of different political periods and even different groups may follow this strategy for various reasons due to different attitudes towards politics with the emphasis on the diversified business groups classification made by Schneider (2010). Therefore, the largest business groups in Turkey have been identified and six of them have been selected to examine the main sources of the motivation behind the adoption of the diversification strategy in different political periods.

The features of the formation of the image of judo in the Soviet media have been traced in the article. Article includes the analysis of the historical reasons for the gradual changes of the Soviet government's political course towards this martial art during the 1960s-1970s. Publications on judo in the Soviet media have been collected and analyzed, including Ukrainian means of the public information and thematic (sports and geography) ones. The peculiarities, the reasons and motives for the comparison of Japanese judo and Soviet Sambo by Soviet propaganda have been revealed, the history of Sambo and its relationship to judo have been summarized; the history of the Soviet judo has been traced from its official introduction in the sports life of the Soviet Union in the early 1960s with an analysis of the motives of this event, then the period of its existence in the framework of the Soviet Sambo, including consideration of the reasons for such it provisions, and until the declaration of judo as a separate sport and consolidating such a status of this martial art in the public consciousness by providing an official explanation of the reasons of that decision in the press.The prehistory of the Soviet judo, has also been discussed in the article, the creation on the basis of this martial art Sambo by V. Oshchepkov has been noted. It was later considered the Soviet international martial art, while judo was banned. It became legal again only after its inclusion into the Olympic program in Tokyo 1964, but it developed for a long time only in the framework of the Soviet Sambo. The USSR, according to the vision of its leadership, could not participate in the Olympic judo competitions. Firstly USSR tried to promote the idea of the predominance of Soviet Sambo in comparison to this Japanese martial art. The benefits of Sambo over judo were prescribed in the Soviet press. However, the loss of superiority of Soviet wrestlers in sport judo competitions in the early 1970s forced the Soviet government to reconsider its policy in relation to judo and to separate it from Sambo by creating in 1973 the Federation of judo of the USSR. ; У статті просстежено за особливостями формування образу дзюдо в радянських ЗМІ та здійснено аналіз історичних причин поступових змін політичного курсу уряду СРСР по відношенню до цього бойового мистецтва впродовж 1960-1970-х років. Зібрано і проаналізовано матеріали публікацій, присвячених дзюдо, в радянських загальносоюзних та власне українських друкованих виданнях – як загальноінформаційних, так і тематичних (спортивних та країнознавчих). Виявлено особливості, причини та мотиви співставлення радянською пропагандою японського дзюдо та радянського самбо, коротко викладено історію виникнення останнього та його взаємозв'язок із дзюдо; просстежено за долею радянського дзюдо від офіційного впровадження його в спортивне життя Радянського Союзу на початку 1960-х років з аналізом мотивів цієї події, далі період його існування в рамках радянського самбо, включаючи розгляд причин саме такого його положення, і до набуття дзюдо статусу окремого виду спорту та закріплення такого статусу за цим бойовим мистецтвом у суспільній свідомості шляхом надання офіційних пояснень мотивів такого рішення уряду на сторінках преси. ; В статье прослежены особенности формирования образа дзюдо в советских СМИ и осуществлен анализ исторических причин постепенных изменений политического курса правительства СССР по отношению к этому боевому искусству на протяжении 1960-1970-х гг. Собраны и проанализированы материалы публикаций, посвященных дзюдо, в советских общесоюзных и собственно украинских печатных изданиях – как общеинформационных, так и тематических (спортивных и страноведческих). Выявлены особенности, причины и мотивы сопоставления советской пропагандой японского дзюдо и советского самбо; кратко изложена история возникновения последнего и его взаимосвязь с дзюдо; прослежено судьбу советского дзюдо от официального внедрения его в спортивную жизнь Советского Союза в начале 1960-х годов с анализом мотивов этого события, далее период его существования в рамках советского самбо, включая рассмотрение причин именно такого его положения, и до обретения дзюдо статуса отдельного вида спорта и закрепления такого статуса за этим боевым искусством в общественном сознании путем предоставления официальных объяснений мотивов такого решения правительства на страницах прессы.

Legal scholar and philosopher, Nicolas Bergasse (1750-1832) develops at the beginning of the French Revolution a political and constitutional thought based on original philosophical conceptions. Deputy of the Estates-General and the National Constituent Assembly, he tries to link the philosophical concept of reason to that of political sovereignty, a legal concept with important practical consequences. A major personality of the "Monarchien" party, Bergasse is quickly classified as an opponent of the Revolution. His idea of the sovereignty of universal reason acts like a bridge between the political rationalism of the Enlightenment and designs that will soon be exposed, a few decades later, by the "Doctrinaires" of the Bourbon Restoration. At the crossroads of historical, legal and philosophical studies, this article aims to analyze precisely Bergasse's thought and to follow the steps of his reasoning. Juriste et philosophe, Nicolas Bergasse exprime dans les premiers temps de la Révolution française une pensée politique et constitutionnelle qui se fonde sur des conceptions philosophiques singulières. Député aux États généraux puis à l'Assemblée nationale constituante, il développe une théorie méconnue : la souveraineté de la raison universelle. L'auteur mêle alors différentes disciplines en tentant de lier la raison, concept fondamental mais complexe dans l'histoire de la philosophie, à la souveraineté politique, notion juridique essentielle aux conséquences pratiques déterminantes. Figure majeure du courant monarchien, Bergasse est rapidement rejeté du côté de la contre-révolution par l'emballement révolutionnaire. En soutenant l'idée d'une souveraineté de la raison universelle, son discours apparaît comme un témoin entre le rationalisme politique issu de la pensée des Lumières et les conceptions qui seront bientôt exposées, quelques décennies plus tard, par les doctrinaires de la Restauration. Ainsi, en s'appuyant sur des textes peu étudiés et à la croisée des disciplines historiques, juridiques et philosophiques, l'article se propose d'analyser précisément la réflexion de Nicolas Bergasse sur la souveraineté de la raison universelle et de distinguer les étapes de son raisonnement. ; Juriste et philosophe, Nicolas Bergasse exprime dans les premiers temps de la Révolution française une pensée politique et constitutionnelle qui se fonde sur des conceptions philosophiques singulières. Député aux États généraux puis à l'Assemblée nationale constituante, il développe une théorie méconnue : la souveraineté de la raison universelle. L'auteur mêle alors différentes disciplines en tentant de lier la raison, concept fondamental mais complexe dans l'histoire de la philosophie, à la souveraineté politique, notion juridique essentielle aux conséquences pratiques déterminantes. Figure majeure du courant monarchien, Bergasse est rapidement rejeté du côté de la contre-révolution par l'emballement révolutionnaire. En soutenant l'idée d'une souveraineté de la raison universelle, son discours apparaît comme un témoin entre le rationalisme politique issu de la pensée des Lumières et les conceptions qui seront bientôt exposées, quelques décennies plus tard, par les doctrinaires de la Restauration. Ainsi, en s'appuyant sur des textes peu étudiés et à la croisée des disciplines historiques, juridiques et philosophiques, l'article se propose d'analyser précisément la réflexion de Nicolas Bergasse sur la souveraineté de la raison universelle et de distinguer les étapes de son raisonnement.English Title and AbstractNicolas Bergasse and the Sovereignty of Universal ReasonLegal scholar and philosopher, Nicolas Bergasse (1750-1832) develops at the beginning of the French Revolution a political and constitutional thought based on original philosophical conceptions. Deputy of the Estates-General and the National Constituent Assembly, he tries to link the philosophical concept of reason to that of political sovereignty, a legal concept with important practical consequences. A major personality of the "Monarchien" party, Bergasse is quickly classified as an opponent of the Revolution. His idea of the sovereignty of universal reason acts like a bridge between the political rationalism of the Enlightenment and designs that will soon be exposed, a few decades later, by the "Doctrinaires" of the Bourbon Restoration. At the crossroads of historical, legal and philosophical studies, this article aims to analyze precisely Bergasse's thought and to follow the steps of his reasoning.

Итоги Второй мировой войны, ее последствия во многом определили новое положение в мире и, в частности, в Южно-Азиатском регионе. В 1947 г. в результате национально-освободительного движения в Британской Индии возникли два суверенных государства – Индия и Пакистан. Сторонникам единой Индии пришлось согласиться на раздел бывшей колонии на основе принципа религиозного коммунализма. Провинции с преимущественно индусским населением вошли в доминион Индийский Союз (с 1950 г. – Республика Индия), а с преимущественно мусульманским населением – в Пакистан. Между обоими государствами началось противостояние, в основном из-за принадлежности Кашмира, доходившее до открытых военных столкновений с осени 1947 г., что привело в начале 70-х гг. ХХ в. к выходу провинции Восточный Пакистан из состава государства и образованию независимой республики Бангладеш. Однако серьезные противоречия сложились у Пакистана и с другим соседним государством – Афганистаном, чему были причины, лежавшие в историческом прошлом региона. Камнем преткновения здесь стала Северо-Западная пограничная провинция (СЗПП), которая при разделе бывшей британской колонии вошла в состав Пакистана. Эти территории были присоединены к Британской Индии в 1893 году по Соглашению между Британской Империей и афганским эмиром Хабибуллой Ханом. Граница между Британской Индией и Афганистаном была установлена вдоль «Линии Дюранда». Но после создания Пакистана афганские правящие круги заявили о непризнании «Линии Дюранда» как границы между Афганистаном и Пакистаном. Афганские власти стали поддерживать движение «За Свободный Пуштунистан» в полосе свободных пуштунских племён на территории Пакистана. Этот факт стал причиной глубоких противоречий между этими двумя странами. Реальной паричиной афганского непризнания границы по «Линии Дюранда» было их стремлением выйти к Аравийскому морю. В последнее время некоторые политики заявляют, что Соглашение между Британской Индией и Афганистаном имеет срок действия 100 лет. Авторы этой статьи изучили все пункты этого Соглашения и заявляют, что там нет ни одного слова о сроке действия этого Соглашения. ; The results of the Second World War and their consequences in more aspects determined the new situation in the World and concretely in the South Asian region. In 1947 in the result of national liberation movement in the British India were created two independent states – India and Pakistan. Supporters of the United India had been agreed for partition of the former colony on the principle of the religious communalism. Provinces with mainly hindus population entered the Dominion Indian Union (from 1950 – The Republic of India) and with mainly muslim population entered Pakistan. Between these two states began contradictions mainly about belonging of Kashmir the results of which were real military conflicts from the autumn of 1947 and the separating of the East Pakistan and the creation of the Republic Bangladesh. But the serious contradiction had been arisen between Pakistan and the other state – Afghanistan and the reasons of them were in the historical past. The main reason of the contradictions was North West Frontier province (NWFP) which entered Pakistan during the partition of India. These territories had been entered the British India in 1893 with the Agreement between British Empire and Afghan emir Habibullah Khan. The frontier between British India and Afghanistan was created along «the Durand Line». But after the foundation of Pakistan Afghanistan ruling circles stated that now east pakhtoon territories had not be belonged Pakistan. Afghan parliament stated about unacknoledgement of «the Durand Line» as the border between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Afghan powers begun to support movement for «the Free Pakhtunistan» in the belt of free pakhtoon tribes at the territory of Pakistan. This fact was the reason of deep contradictions between these countries. The real reason of Afghan unacknoledgment of «the Durand Line» was their aspiration to have the way to Arab Sea. At the last time come politicians state that the Agreement of 1893 between The British Empire and Afghanistan has the period of 100 years. The author of this article studied all points of this Agreement and states that there is no any word about any period of acting of this Agreement.

Contemporary city is mainly designed and managed in order to meet drivers' needs (and those of their vehicles!). (Alagia, Chiusaroli 2000; Viale 2007; Ward 1978) And since there is an unsolvable conflict between drivers' and pedestrians' needs (and cyclists, skaters, runners, . needs too), we can say that contemporary city is not capable of ensuring the right of pedestrians (and cyclists) to safely and freely walk (and to safely and freely cycle). (Illich 2006; Labbucci 2011; Viale 2007) Urban traffic congestion has a number of negative effects: road accidents, air pollution, noise pollution, time wastage, privatization of public spaces, limitation of the right of pedestrians (and cyclists) to walk (and to cycle). All these negative effects cause a significant reduction of everyday quality of life for everyone: both people who use car and people who cannot or does not want to. (Alagia, Chiusaroli 2000; Viale 2007) Urban planning has to guarantee the right to actually "use" the city for every and each individual, including pedestrians (and cyclists). To achieve this goal it is necessary to make policies aimed at reducing the overall number of cars. The engagement of people (voluntary, aware and responsible) is essential to make these policies work. Therefore, urban planning has to deal with this issue: how can social learning be effectively enhanced to promote a cultural change in mobility behaviour? Until now, urban planning has mainly referred to reasons of environmental sustainability. (Viale 2007) Results are not satisfactory. Most Italian cities are still hostile to pedestrians (and cyclists), especially to the most vulnerable groups: children, elderly people, disabled people, etc. Perhaps, reasons of environmental sustainability are not much effective because of their individualistic nature and since they refer especially to long term effects of actions. (Elster 1993; Illich 2006; Viale 2007) Urban planning probably should concentrate more on reasons of the right to the city. There are people who choose to be pedestrians (or cyclists) for reasons of the right to the city: they walk (or cycle) to interfere with established urban design and management, in order to claim their right to "use" the city. Their main goal is to free the streets and the public spaces from cars and to bring them back to pedestrians (and cyclists). People who promote and participate in collective initiatives like Critical Mass, Walking School Bus, Parking Day, etc. can be considered part of this category. In this paper, we will try to explain why and how referring to assumptions and characteristics of these collective initiatives of re-conquest of the streets and the spaces of the city (public on paper, but private de facto) can be useful to make more effective policies aimed at building walkable (and cyclable) cities. ; La città contemporanea è disegnata e organizzata prevalentemente per soddisfare le esigenze di chi si sposta utilizzando l'automobile, è una città a misura di automobilista. Di conseguenza, chi non vuole o (più spesso) non può usare l'automobile per effettuare i propri spostamenti vede negarsi quotidianamente la possibilità di esercitare pienamente il proprio diritto fondamentale di muoversi liberamente, autonomamente e in sicurezza e la possibilità di "usare" gli spazi della città sottratti dalle automobili all'uso pubblico e collettivo. Compito dell'urbanistica è definire e attuare progetti e politiche di promozione del diritto di mobilità e del diritto alla città per tutti e ciascuno. Progetti e politiche che devono necessariamente prevedere una riduzione del numero complessivo di automobili circolanti. Per ottenere questo importante ma difficile risultato è necessario attivare la collaborazione volontaria, consapevole e responsabile degli abitanti. L'urbanistica deve dunque porsi il problema di come attivare l'apprendimento sociale in grado di determinare un vero e proprio cambiamento culturale in materia di mobilità. In questo articolo proveremo a spiegare perché e come può essere utile fare riferimento ai presupposti e alle modalità d'azione di quell'insieme di iniziative collettive, spesso giocose, di riappropriazione, "liberazione", occupazione degli spazi e delle strade della città che, pur essendo pubblici sulla carta, sono di fatto privatizzati, perché ad uso pressoché esclusivo dalle automobili: Critical Mass, Piedibus, Parking Day, ecc.

The widespread practice of state punishment is somewhat puzzling from a moral point of view. Why should the state devote its limited resources to harming its own citizens? For that matter, why is the state even morally permitted to punish? After all, punishment deprives criminals of goods to which people are normally entitled, such as their liberty and property. Traditional justifications of punishment do not satisfactorily account for the reason the state has to punish serious crime. Deterrence theory justifies punishment on the grounds that it reduces crime in society. Retributivism justifies punishment on the grounds that it inflicts deserved suffering on criminals. Both views are susceptible to counterexamples. Punishment intuitively seems justified in cases where it does not appreciably deter crime: where, for example, someone has committed a hate crime in the past in order to achieve a political goal that no one in society views as achievable anymore. Punishment also intuitively seems justified in cases where it does not inflict suffering: where, for example, someone does not suffer through his community service. I offer an alternative view: the reactive theory of punishment. According to this theory, punishment is justified because the act of punishment expresses indignation that appropriately blames criminals for serious wrongdoing. In developing the account, I draw on P.F. Strawson's idea that when we feel the reactive sentiments of resentment, indignation, and guilt, we hold those whom we feel them toward responsible for their actions. From Joel Feinberg I take the insight that where political institutions reflect the citizens' will, punishment gives expression to the emotional reactions deemed appropriate by members of that community. I argue that the same values that make blame morally important also give the state reason to express blame through punishment. Feeling the reactive sentiments when people have been wronged shows that we value the victims of wrongdoing in a morally significant respect. These emotions are partially constituted by the judgment that the person who has been mistreated is owed moral consideration. By establishing and maintaining egalitarian institutions that express indignation in response to serious crimes, a society demonstrates that it takes seriously the idea that all its citizens have rights about whose violation it would be appropriate to get emotionally exercised. In order to signal to all members of the community the value of those who have been victimized, the form that blame takes must be accessible to everyone in society as expressive of an unambiguously high degree of blame. Punishment is well-suited for this role because it denies goods that we all recognize to be important. I contend that this public blaming function gives us reason to punish in all cases in which punishment is intuitively justified.Setting aside the question of why the state has reason to punish, the reactive theory also provides a better answer than deterrence theory or retributivism to the question of why punishment is morally permissible. The state is not normally permitted to violate rights just because doing so has social benefits, and it is hard to rationally defend the idea that somehow it is intrinsically good that wrongdoers suffer. I argue that punishment is permissible because we are justified in treating people in ways that would otherwise be impermissible when that treatment expresses a proportionate degree of blame. It is clear in the interpersonal context that the targets of appropriate blame lose their standing to complain about the loss of social goods. For instance, someone who has recklessly betrayed your trust cannot reasonably object to your proportionate expression of resentment on the grounds that it would cause him distress and the loss of social regard. State punishment is continuous with these interpersonal responses on the reactive theory. Those who commit serious crimes do not have the standing to object to deprivations of goods to which they are normally entitled when those deprivations are expressive of the community's appropriately high degree of indignation.

Contemporary city is mainly designed and managed in order to meet drivers' needs (and those of their vehicles!). (Alagia, Chiusaroli 2000; Viale 2007; Ward 1978) And since there is an unsolvable conflict between drivers' and pedestrians' needs (and cyclists, skaters, runners, . needs too), we can say that contemporary city is not capable of ensuring the right of pedestrians (and cyclists) to safely and freely walk (and to safely and freely cycle). (Illich 2006; Labbucci 2011; Viale 2007) Urban traffic congestion has a number of negative effects: road accidents, air pollution, noise pollution, time wastage, privatization of public spaces, limitation of the right of pedestrians (and cyclists) to walk (and to cycle). All these negative effects cause a significant reduction of everyday quality of life for everyone: both people who use car and people who cannot or does not want to. (Alagia, Chiusaroli 2000; Viale 2007) Urban planning has to guarantee the right to actually "use" the city for every and each individual, including pedestrians (and cyclists). To achieve this goal it is necessary to make policies aimed at reducing the overall number of cars. The engagement of people (voluntary, aware and responsible) is essential to make these policies work. Therefore, urban planning has to deal with this issue: how can social learning be effectively enhanced to promote a cultural change in mobility behaviour? Until now, urban planning has mainly referred to reasons of environmental sustainability. (Viale 2007) Results are not satisfactory. Most Italian cities are still hostile to pedestrians (and cyclists), especially to the most vulnerable groups: children, elderly people, disabled people, etc. Perhaps, reasons of environmental sustainability are not much effective because of their individualistic nature and since they refer especially to long term effects of actions. (Elster 1993; Illich 2006; Viale 2007) Urban planning probably should concentrate more on reasons of the right to the city. There are people who choose to be pedestrians (or cyclists) for reasons of the right to the city: they walk (or cycle) to interfere with established urban design and management, in order to claim their right to "use" the city. Their main goal is to free the streets and the public spaces from cars and to bring them back to pedestrians (and cyclists). People who promote and participate in collective initiatives like Critical Mass, Walking School Bus, Parking Day, etc. can be considered part of this category. In this paper, we will try to explain why and how referring to assumptions and characteristics of these collective initiatives of re-conquest of the streets and the spaces of the city (public on paper, but private de facto) can be useful to make more effective policies aimed at building walkable (and cyclable) cities. ; La città contemporanea è disegnata e organizzata prevalentemente per soddisfare le esigenze di chi si sposta utilizzando l'automobile, è una città a misura di automobilista. Di conseguenza, chi non vuole o (più spesso) non può usare l'automobile per effettuare i propri spostamenti vede negarsi quotidianamente la possibilità di esercitare pienamente il proprio diritto fondamentale di muoversi liberamente, autonomamente e in sicurezza e la possibilità di "usare" gli spazi della città sottratti dalle automobili all'uso pubblico e collettivo. Compito dell'urbanistica è definire e attuare progetti e politiche di promozione del diritto di mobilità e del diritto alla città per tutti e ciascuno. Progetti e politiche che devono necessariamente prevedere una riduzione del numero complessivo di automobili circolanti. Per ottenere questo importante ma difficile risultato è necessario attivare la collaborazione volontaria, consapevole e responsabile degli abitanti. L'urbanistica deve dunque porsi il problema di come attivare l'apprendimento sociale in grado di determinare un vero e proprio cambiamento culturale in materia di mobilità. In questo articolo proveremo a spiegare perché e come può essere utile fare riferimento ai presupposti e alle modalità d'azione di quell'insieme di iniziative collettive, spesso giocose, di riappropriazione, "liberazione", occupazione degli spazi e delle strade della città che, pur essendo pubblici sulla carta, sono di fatto privatizzati, perché ad uso pressoché esclusivo dalle automobili: Critical Mass, Piedibus, Parking Day, ecc.