Suchergebnisse

AbstractWhat does land acknowledgment do? Where does it come from? Where is it pointing? Existing literature, especially critiques by Indigenous scholars, unequivocally assert that settler land acknowledgments are problematic in their favoring of rhetoric over action. However, formal written statements may challenge institutions to recognize their complicity in settler colonialism and their institutional responsibilities to tribal sovereignty. Building on these critiques, particularly the writings of Métis cultural producer Chelsea Vowel, this article offers beyond as a framework for how institutional land acknowledgments can or cannot support Indigenous relationality, land pedagogy, and accountability to place and peoples. The authors describe the critical differences between Indigenous protocols of mutual recognition and settler practices of land acknowledgment. These Indigenous/settler differences illuminate an Indigenous perspective on what acknowledgments ought to accomplish. For example, Acjachemen/Tongva scholar Charles Sepulveda forwards the Tongva concept of Kuuyam, or guest, as "a reimagining of human relationships to place outside of the structures of settler colonialism." What would it mean for a settler speaker of a land acknowledgment to say, "I am a visitor, and I hope to become a proper guest"? Two empirical examples are presented: the University of California, Los Angeles, where an acknowledgment was crafted in 2018; and the University of California, San Diego, where an acknowledgment is under way in 2020. The article concludes with beyond as a potential decolonial framework for land acknowledgment that recognizes Indigenous futures.

Establishing and implementing rules that would teach young people to become active citizens became a crucial technique for turning those spots on the map of Europe whose sovereignty had shifted after World War I into lived social spaces. This article analyses how principals of borderland secondary schools negotiated transformation in Polish Upper Silesia with the help of Arnold Van Gennep's notion that a shift in social statuses possessed a spatiality and temporality of its own. The article asks whether and how school principals were called on to offer elite training that would make Polish Upper Silesia more cohesive with the rest of Poland in terms of the social origins of pupils and the content of the history curriculum. In addition, it examines the extent to which borderland school principals accepted, refuted, or helped to shape that responsibility. The social origins of pupils are detected through a quantitative analysis of recruitment figures and the profiles of pupils' parents. This analysis is combined with an exploration of how school principals provided a meaningful explanation of the recent past (World War I and the Silesian Uprisings). The article demonstrates that while school principals were historical actors with some room to make their own decisions when a liminal space was created, changed, and abolished, it was ultimately a priest operating in their shadows who possessed more possibilities to become a master of ceremonies leading elite education through its rites of passage.

In my article I would like to analyze a tradition created by Alexis de Tocqueville which Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn called true liberalism. According to this political theory, liberty and equality do not complement each other but are in fact contradictions. In my lecture I would like to analyze how the words "democracy" and "liberty" were evaluated in the texts of the early liberals, how and why they began to be equated with each other. In this article, I will examine three representatives of this tradition in more detail: James Fitzjames Stephen, Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn, and Hans-Hermann Hoppe.In the modern age – argue the liberal critiques of democracy – the lack of freedom is manifested evidently. Liberty was first eradicated by royal absolutisms and then by successive democratic revolutions. As a result, the vacuum created was replaced by the modern state with Weberian "bureaucratic authority." Modern state bureaucracy overwhelmed all sorts of public bodies, ordinances, provinces and other liberties for the sake of the abstract concept of "liberty." On the one hand, this was done in the name of equality proclaimed on the basis of parliamentary popular sovereignty, and on the other hand it was a product of totalitarianism. of the result these processes in the modern world – while liberty is constantly being eulogized and has been raised to the rank of an official ideology – there is actually less freedom than in any previous era.

Actors partially relinquish sovereignty in return for physical protection by a more powerful actor, generating a hierarchical relationship of a dominant, which supplies a political order, and subordinate(s), seeking the benefits that the political order can offer. This is the outcome of rationally assessing the respective situation, ultimately forgoing the presupposed paradigm that all actors are acknowledged as equal units in IR. The product of applying this hierarchical rubric to the Korean Peninsula offers a fundamental alternative for understanding how and why the current Korean Peninsula Nuclear Crisis unfolded in the manner that it did, while building upon relevant literature constituting the crux of hierarchy in international relations. What is presented are two political orders running parallel to one another: (1) the USA and the ROK and (2) China and the DPRK. Historically, both orders took fundamentally different tracks, as the USA and the ROK maintained a tight, valued and active social contract, while China and the DPRK periodically drifted into loose, devalued and inactive phases. Additionally, a paradigm has emerged following China's inclusive behavior post-1978, the USA's unipolar moment, and Washington's aggressive signaling and actions, forcing the DPRK to reconsider its dominant's reliability as a credible security guarantor. Having witnessed these seismic shifts, the DPRK has intensified its development of 'the ultimate security guarantor', leading to the contemporary crisis we are facing today. (Pac Rev/GIGA)

Technological advances have challenged numerous social and political domains over recent decades, including the materialities and imaginaries of islands and islandness in Oceania. Since the early 2000s, a plurality of schemes, discourses, politics, anxieties, and hopes have coalesced around the possible construction of artificial islands, referred to as floating islands, floating nations, floating cities, or seasteads, depending on the new islands' imagined purposes and peoples. If achieved, these new, de novo, islands will contribute to an ongoing regional geopolitical remaking that requires urgent attention. However, in examining floating islands as boundary objects, this article suggests that, even if never realized, they are exceptional points of focus for perceiving and reflecting on the uncanny, disruptive character of capital at work in the contemporary Pacific Islands in tension with multi-state regional policy initiatives for collective governance and sustainable ocean management. Moreover, this article argues that floating islands are not the only "artificial islands" producing tensions between communities, states, and international ocean governance frameworks. Deep-sea concessions for mineral exploitation, the spatialization of high-seas fishing rights, and large- and small-scale conservation zones similarly raise issues of the fixity or fluidity of territoriality, sovereignty, rights of access and restriction to common or uncommon marine spaces and their resources, as well as conflicting imaginaries and ideologies around the ocean and Oceania as an open frontier. (Pac Aff/GIGA)

Based on the analysis of a significant array of historical facts, normative legal acts and legal positions of domestic and foreign scientists, the article presents a legal assessment of the recognition of genocide as a crime committed against the peoples of the USSR during the Great Patriotic War of 1941 - 1945. The legal bases of countering attempts to re-evaluate events and revise the results of the Second World War are investigated. Special attention is paid to the importance of the Russian constitutional guarantees provided by the amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation in 2020 for the protection of historical truth. The confirmation by the Russian courts of the fact that the German-fascist invaders committed war crimes and crimes of genocide, the investigation by the Investigative Committee of Russia of criminal cases about these crimes, is considered in the context of the inevitability of responsibility as one of the central principles of law. The article substantiates Russia's strict commitment to the results of the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal in the legal consolidation of the facts of genocide against Soviet citizens and notes the need to implement the constitutional obligation of the Russian state to honor the memory of the defenders of the Fatherland, to ensure the historical sovereignty of the country by legal means, not to allow the significance of the feat of the Soviet people in the defense of the Motherland to be diminished.

In the current debate on human rights, the political conception is attractive in its ability to try to find solutions to the central questions and problems, which the orthodox conception has difficulties in solving, because of its own nature (the political formulation of human rights) it does not need a moral foundation that is independent of the recognition established by international law and practice. On the one hand, it is necessary to recognize that the current practice and the international doctrine consider human rights as tools addressed, mainly, to establish the limits of the legitimate sovereignty of the state, thus, recognizing the plausibility of the political conception. On the other hand, the article intends to show that this specific function, while important, should not exhaust all that human rights perform. Therefore, the political conception runs the serious risk of weakening the normative force of human rights and conflating two different agendas, that of human rights and that of global justice. To go through this argument, first of all, the article presents the contemporary genesis of the political conception of human rights based on the work of John Rawls. Secondly, it focuses on the reformulation given by Raz and Beitz's approaches. Finally, in the third section, I criticize three main assumptions which ground the current paradigm of political conception of human rights.

This article investigates the experience of the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union in the formation and implementation of the ideology of patriotism and the state policy of patriotic education. They are considered in the context of nation-building processes and in conjunction with approaches to formulating a national idea and national (civic) identity. Particular attention is paid to the content and dynamics of the discourse of the authorities. Through a comparative political analysis, the general and special characteristics of the models introduced in the EAEU countries, constants and dominants of discursive practices are revealed. The argumentation of representatives of the top political leadership in their attitudes to the proposed guidelines and priorities of socio-political development through an appeal to the value component taking into account the relationship of internal and external dimensions is shown. The emphasis is on the lack of demand for the ethnocentric model of patriotic discourse and the relevant practices of political actors due to the complex composition of the population of most countries of the Union and other internal and geopolitical circumstances. At the same time in their activities one can reveal the commitment to constructive orientation, the absolutization of sovereignty, and the motivation and positions that impede the adoption of balanced integration decisions. It is suggested that the national idea of Russia cannot be reduced solely to patriotism and that its depoliticization and deideologization cannot be absolutized.

The article explores the experience of the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union in the formation and implementation of the ideology of patriotism and the state policy of patriotic education. The context of nation-building processes is considered along with approaches to formulating a national idea and national (civic) identity. Particular attention is paid to the discourse of the authorities. Through a comparative political analysis, the general and special characteristics of the models introduced in the EAEU countries constants and dominants of discursive practices are revealed. The argumentation of representatives of the top political leadership in their attitudes to the proposed guidelines and priorities of socio-political development through an appeal to the value component taking into account the relationship of internal and external dimensions is shown. It is emphasized the lack of demand for the ethnocentric model of patriotic discourse and the relevant practices of political actors due to the complex composition of the population of most countries of the Union and other internal and geopolitical circumstances. At the same time the commitment to constructive orientation, the absolutization of sovereignty, and the motivation and positions that impede the adoption of balanced integration decisions can be revealed. It is suggested that the national idea of Russia cannot be limited to patriotism and that its de-politicization and de-ideologization cannot be absolutized.

Abstract
This article explores the connection between maritime and digital piracy, and pursues the thought that the common moniker is more than a rhetorical flourish. Golden Age maritime piracy (1650–1730) and today's piracy in cyberspace are by no means identical; there is no one ideal form of piracy. And yet, pirates of the literal and virtual high seas share a crucial feature: their social role as others. Piracy itself is a social function; its content is otherness. Dominant accounts of piracy note its character as a mode of resistance, but frame that resistance as either economic or political. Neither of these explanations of piracy's resistance is sufficient on its own. The comparison of Golden Age maritime piracy with current digital piracy is telling, because what these two modes of piracy have in common is the way they highlight the relationship between capital and the state system. In other words, piracy's political attack is not simply an assault on the idea of sovereignty, but rather a more specific critique of the way the system of sovereign states advances the interests of capital. The legal treatment of piracy, making it the pillar of universal jurisdiction, highlights the particular threat that piracy presents to the world order: the crime is political because it is an affront to the economic-political alliance that is capitalism, old or new.

The article summarizes the experience of Latin American countries in the field of transforming land relations from the point of view of social justice, forming the necessary space for the livelihood of peasants, ensuring their economic sovereignty and so on. It has been proved that free access to the land resources and control over them largely determine the overall potential of the development of rural areas and the social development of the country as a whole. Studies have revealed persistent trends towards biased land distribution in the Global South and over-concentration in the hands of dominant groups and large agricultural enterprises. It has a strong destructive effect on the overall development of the countries in the region and is reflected in unequal spatial development, systematic infringement of the rights of peasants, limiting employment growth, spreading poverty, destruction of social cohesion, destabilization of food systems at the local, national and global levels, emergence of armed conflicts, etc. The general threats of changes in land tenure and use in Ukraine related to the tendency to redistribute land resources in favor of the corporate sector, land over-concentration and landlessness of peasants are outlined; a number of factors contributing to the unbalanced distribution of land were identified, and the necessity of including the lessons of Latin American countries in the future social development of Ukraine, in the long term is substantiated.

Following the end of the Cold War and significant changes in the international community, Chinese leaders moved from a reluctant stand in United Nations (UN) activities to a position of active cooperation in UN peacekeeping. In fact, China became the biggest contributor of troops to UN peacekeeping operations among the permanent members of the Security Council. Towards the mid-2000s, China was involved in all seven UN peacekeeping operations on the African continent. This dramatic surge in Chinese peacekeeping participation coincided with Beijing's efforts in the early 2000s to deliberately expand its economic and diplomatic influence globally through trade and diplomatic links, as well as through its participation in international organisations, including UN peacekeeping operations. However, there have always been limits to China's involvement in peacekeeping operations. Beijing's views on peacekeeping have consistently been based on a sound respect for state sovereignty and the principle of non-intervention. In this context, this article points out that on the one hand, China is increasingly expected to concern itself with the global responsibilities of a great power,but as its strategic and material interests have become more integrated and entangled with the African continent, Beijing is more and more compelled to consider its national interest and to protect those interestsin Africa. Consequently, China's growing involvement in peacekeeping has become more difficult to reconcile with the country's commitment to non-interventionism, particularly as witnessed in the case of South Sudan.

Indonesia's strategic geographic position as a link between the Central and Middle East Asia regions with Australia in the movement of migration flow has made Indonesia a transit area that many immigrants pass through. What needs to be watched out for are illegal entrances (mouse path), both sea routes and land routes, considering that Indonesia is a large archipelagic country and existing crossings have not been optimally guarded. Looking at these conditions, the existence of a world organization in Indonesia that deals with refugees, namely the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), can provide some temporary or permanent solutions, with short or long processes and mechanisms, which must be passed by refugees. The existence of refugees in Indonesia should be managed by the flow of the process in which refugees will be placed in third countries. In the waiting process when they will be dispatched to a third country, the refugees occupy a shelter which is then under the supervision of RUDENIM (Immigration Detention Center). From the description above, the problem in this research is studying RUDENIM's supervisory function on additional tasks in the context of immigration control of refugees in the aspect of state sovereignty. The research method used in answering problems is using normative juridical research methods, by analyzing secondary data and legal materials related to statutory regulations, books, and scientific journals. This research also uses several approaches, namely statutory approach, conceptual approach, and case approach.

Abstract
This article traces the evolution of China-Malaysia relations under National Front Prime Minister Najib Razak and the Alliance of Hope Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad. While the Belt and Road Initiative (bri) strengthened Beijing's support of Najib's kleptocratic regime in Malaysia, the 2018 general elections brought the anti-graft Alliance of Hope coalition led by Mahathir into power. Under Mahathir's leadership, Malaysia cancelled several large-scale infrastructural projects like the East Coast Rail Link (ecrl), owing to their links with Najib's 1mdb scandal and the unfavorable terms of the bri which put Malaysia severely in China's debt. Although this curtailed Beijing's use of Malaysia as a pawn in its goals in the region, it alienated some of the new Alliance of Hope's supporters and saw the loss of much Chinese investment. However, Malaysia had already been caught in the bri's web and Mahathir had to mend fences with Beijing by renegotiating better deals and redefining Malaysia's relations with China. As Malaysia is geopolitically strategic to China's extension of influence in Southeast Asia, Beijing willingly cut the ecrl cost by a third. It is in such context and with due consideration of the changing developments in the Alliance of Hope's perception of Malaysia's relations with China that this article will explore the enigmatic nature of China-Malaysia relations as the latter strives to protect its sovereignty against Chinese influence and Beijing continues to press its charm offensive through the bri.