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Item 1020-A, 1020-B (microfiche). ; "Serial no. 141." ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

EU has reached enormous progress in economy and politics. It is a union of nations on the basis of legal, democratic grounds. A feature of each democracy is the protection of human rights. The test-paper showing a real freedom is depicted by the regulations of a state. These regulations delineate the freedom of religious belief, the relation of churches and religious communities with a state. EU already has a formed European model of relations between Church and a state. It leaves such traditions and a legal base in each state that has been formed by the people of the nation during long decades. There are three models: the status of "state religion" but it does not do any harm to democratic attitudes. It does not discriminate persons who do not belong to the main religion; the second, a model of cooperation of Church and a state, the third is more strict, separation of Church. EU Lisbon Treaty is much more favourable to religious communities than EU Constitution used to be. As EU member states belong to European Council, the regulations of which on religion were remarkably perfect than those of EU Agreements, EU leaders had to be more precise with the position of the Holy See in Nice Agreement of the Charter of Human Rights. Unfortunately, some people from European continent are devoted to the flow of secularised society which is not able to measure the heritage of Christianity. Due to this misunderstandings and cases appear in the European Court of Human Rights concerning religious practise in public institutions.

This paper presents the discourse, or more often the struggle, between secularists and Islamists in Tunisia relating religion and the state within the desired democratic system. The movement of 18 October is a landmark in the efforts for constructive work between different political constituents which emphasized that the relationship between religion and the state is not expected to have a ready-made formula; instead, it is the product of a social pact that interacts with politics, culture and economics. The paper looks into the basis or foundation for cooperation, the feasibility of the merger between religion and the state, the timing – before or after democracy takes hold – the focus on form and substance of democracy, its connection to laws, etc. Whereas it may be possible to separate religion from the state, it is not possible to separate it from politics as this requires a dissociation of some devout believers from their system of belief, thus denying their basic rights. There are no guarantees that within a democratic system some groups and parties basing themselves on religion will be against democracy. These groups should remain part of the political system, the solution being to honour a social pact that is based on respecting constitutional institutions, national identity, principles of the republican system and human rights.

The article analyzes the term 'soft power' policy, developed by J. Nye, in relation to Japan as the country with the largest resource of its application due to the need of national business to adopt foreign cultural experience. The limitations of its use in the country's foreign policy are associated with the internal conservative orientation of Japanese culture and society, Japan's militaristic past, demographic problems and the language barrier, as well as competition with other states. The spheres of implementation of the 'soft power' policy are economic, ideological, diplomatic, and cultural. According to the statements of Japanese officials, the following priority areas and goals for applying the 'soft power' policy in the 21st century are highlighted: expanding cooperation with the world community, including investments; promoting Japanese pop culture and promoting the national language on the world stage through educational organizations and funds. Organizations that implement 'soft power' policy in the country are the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Advisory Council, the Japan Foundation, the Japan-Russia Youth Exchange Center, etc. These organizations offer programs for academic and student exchange, acquisition of educational materials, grants for holding events and translations of different kinds of literature, attracting foreign labor to the country and developing diplomacy. In order to achieve the goal set by the Japanese government, international competitions in the Japanese language, an international exam for knowledge of the Japanese language, and Japanese centers abroad are created, financed by the state and receive various subsidies and benefits. The main feature and trump card of Japan is that the country acts within the framework of the promotion of values that are reflected in the status of the country through humanitarian assistance, a positive image of the state and positive education. In the conclusion, the authors highlight the fact that Japan managed to create a positive image of the country in the international arena; strengthen economic, political and cultural ties at different levels; reinforce the position of Japan in the world community as one of the leading countries; export the Japanese traditions and culture to other countries.

The independence did not put an end to France's presence in its former colonies, which continued to take the form of cooperation. This cooperation, defined as technical and cultural assistance between two theoretically sovereign countries, is expressed in particular by the provision of human capital by France. There appear to have been two key steps in establishing this cooperation: the first is based on the negotiation of cooperation agreements with the inhabitants of independence and the second on their renegotiation in the 1970s. These renegotiations resulted in an external and internal 'legal normalisation' of the situation marking a clearer statement of the sovereignty of young independent nations 1, since externally this 'new' cooperation is governed by pre-established standards similar to those applicable to international cooperation and is accompanied internally by the adoption of a 'statute under common law for French co-workers abroad' 2. Cooperation raises multiple questions. The continued presence of the former coloniser — in another form — in independent states is broadly understood in three ways by historiography. Some studies focus on the issue of national and international sovereignty, interests and political issues. Others prefer to treat it as an epistemological and philosophical problem, that of the reality of decolonisation, particularly in the fields of science and knowledge. Finally, the topic raises a reflection on those who give it life on the ground, i.e. the men and women who take part in it. The latter approach is preferred here because it allows 1 Jean Touscoz, 'La "normalisation" de la coopération bilateral de la France et les pays Afrique francophones (legal aspects)", International Studies, Vol. 5, No 2, 1974, p. 208. 2 ibid., p. 219. ; International audience The independences, which ended in theory in the sovereignty of the young nations, did not dedicate the end of the link between ex-colonized and colonizing countries. This link was transformed into "cooperation" i.e. into a ...

Turkey and the United States of America have been strategic partners for over seven decades. Nevertheless, their relationship has not always been a smooth one, and the two countries have encountered temporary bilateral crises from time to time. In spite of the challenges, over the years, the NATO allies – the United States and Turkey have continued to reaffirm their commitment to cooperate with each other as "strategic partners." However, the ensuing Syrian crisis has brought the relationship between the allies to an all-time historic low. This study examines Turkey-US relations in the context of the ongoing Syrian conflict using a conflict analysis framework. With this framework, we analyze the historical background, identify the root causes of the crisis and conduct an actor analysis. Based on our findings, we provide policy recommendations to de-escalate and transform the current crisis in US-Turkey relations in order to both restore their mutual trust and find new ways to cooperate as strategic partners. ; Turcja i Stany Zjednoczone są partnerami strategicznymi od ponad siedemdziesięciu lat. Wzajemne stosunki nie zawsze przebiegały jednak bezkonfliktowo i sporadycznie dochodziło do przejściowych kryzysów dwustronnych. Mimo wyzwań, obaj sojusznicy z NATO – Stany Zjednoczone i Turcja – od lat potwierdzają swoje zaangażowanie we współpracę jako "partnerzy strategiczni". Jednak wskutek narastającego kryzysu syryjskiego stosunki między sojusznikami osiągnęły bezprecedensowo niski poziom. Niniejsze studium analizuje stosunki między Turcją a Stanami Zjednoczonymi w kontekście trwającego w Syrii konfliktu z zastosowaniem metody analizy konfliktu. W jej ramach analizujemy tło historyczne, określamy pierwotne przyczyny kryzysu i przeprowadzamy analizę aktorów. Na podstawie swoich ustaleń przedstawiamy zalecenia dotyczące polityki mającej na celu de-eskalację i przekształcenie obecnego kryzysu w stosunkach USA-Turcja w sposób pozwalający przywrócić wzajemne zaufanie, ale także znaleźć nowe sposoby współpracy w charakterze strategicznych partnerów

Turkey and the United States of America have been strategic partners for over seven decades. Nevertheless, their relationship has not always been a smooth one, and the two countries have encountered temporary bilateral crises from time to time. In spite of the challenges, over the years, the NATO allies – the United States and Turkey have continued to reaffirm their commitment to cooperate with each other as "strategic partners." However, the ensuing Syrian crisis has brought the relationship between the allies to an all-time historic low. This study examines Turkey-US relations in the context of the ongoing Syrian conflict using a conflict analysis framework. With this framework, we analyze the historical background, identify the root causes of the crisis and conduct an actor analysis. Based on our findings, we provide policy recommendations to de-escalate and transform the current crisis in US-Turkey relations in order to both restore their mutual trust and find new ways to cooperate as strategic partners. ; Turcja i Stany Zjednoczone są partnerami strategicznymi od ponad siedemdziesięciu lat. Wzajemne stosunki nie zawsze przebiegały jednak bezkonfliktowo i sporadycznie dochodziło do przejściowych kryzysów dwustronnych. Mimo wyzwań, obaj sojusznicy z NATO – Stany Zjednoczone i Turcja – od lat potwierdzają swoje zaangażowanie we współpracę jako "partnerzy strategiczni". Jednak wskutek narastającego kryzysu syryjskiego stosunki między sojusznikami osiągnęły bezprecedensowo niski poziom. Niniejsze studium analizuje stosunki między Turcją a Stanami Zjednoczonymi w kontekście trwającego w Syrii konfliktu z zastosowaniem metody analizy konfliktu. W jej ramach analizujemy tło historyczne, określamy pierwotne przyczyny kryzysu i przeprowadzamy analizę aktorów. Na podstawie swoich ustaleń przedstawiamy zalecenia dotyczące polityki mającej na celu de-eskalację i przekształcenie obecnego kryzysu w stosunkach USA-Turcja w sposób pozwalający przywrócić wzajemne zaufanie, ale także znaleźć nowe sposoby współpracy w charakterze strategicznych partnerów

The article is an overview of the main directions of the policy of the Russian Federation in the Middle East from 1991 to the present. Certain stages are identified when the transformation of the paradigm of the Middle East foreign policy and, accordingly, the change in the role of Russia in the regional arena took place. Various domestic and foreign policy factors are considered, which caused the loss of Russia's influence in the countries of the region in the 1990s and early 2000s, but with the change in geopolitical realities, they lost their significance. This made it possible from the mid-2000s to begin the process of restoring ties with traditional Middle Eastern partners, simultaneously with the development of new areas of cooperation, in particular, with Israel and the monarchies of the Persian Gulf. The article also identifies strategic priorities that affect the nature of relations between Russia and such key countries of the region as Iran and Turkey as well as determine the dynamics of their development. Particular attention is paid to the comparative analysis and assessment of the geopolitical consequences of the policy of "active neutrality" in the early stages of the "Arab Spring", which led to the weakening of bilateral relations with the countries of the Middle East and North Africa in addition to Russian positions in the region as a whole, and Russia's armed intervention strategy within the current Syrian crisis. In conclusion, the author argues that there is a need for further development and diversification of contacts with the countries of the Middle East region in the formation of Russian foreign policy taking into account new trends in the world political and economic arena.

Patterns of institutional relations in the American welfare state are shaped by two major driving forces in American society: (1) the execution of public mandates with its dependency on nonprofit and other nongovernmental service providers, and (2) by the intrusion and dominance of the American capitalist system. These two driving forces combine to produce four patterns of nonprofit-public interactions: Cooperation, characterized by public sector dependence on the nonprofit sector and the absence of a strong proprietary sector; Accommodation, characterized by public sector dependence on the nonprofit sector and the presence of a strong proprietary sector; Competition, characterized by the absence of a strong proprietary sector and the absence of public sector dependence on nonprofit service providers; and Sym biosis, characterized by absence of public sector dependence on nonprofit service providers and the presence of strong proprietary actors. The theoretical model is derived from an examination of public-nonprofit interactions in several different service sectors in Chicago. The paper traces the historical emergence of these four patterns in Chicago, using child care, health, education, and the housing and community development areas to demonstrate the patterns and the processes by which they developed.

Familial Properties is the first full-length history of Vietnamese gender relations in the precolonial period. Author Nhung Tuyet Tran shows how, despite the bias in law and practice of a patrilineal society based on primogeniture, some women were able to manipulate the system to their own advantage. Women succeeded in taking pragmatic advantage of socioeconomic turmoil during a time of war and chaos to acquire wealth and, to some extent, control what happened to their property. Drawing from legal, literary, and religious sources written in the demotic script, classical Chinese, and European languages, Tran argues that beginning in the fifteenth century, state and local communities produced laws and morality codes limiting women's participation in social life. Then in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, economic and political turmoil led the three competing states--the Mac, Trinh, and Nguyen--to increase their military service demands, producing labor shortages in the fields and markets of the countryside. Women filled the vacuum left by their brothers, husbands, and fathers, and as they worked the lands and tended the markets, they accumulated monetary capital. To protect that capital, they circumvented local practice and state law guaranteeing patrilineal inheritance rights by soliciting the cooperation of male leaders. In exchange for monetary and landed donations to the local community, these women were elected to become spiritual patrons of the community whose souls would be forever preserved by collective offering. By tracing how the women, local leaders, and court elites negotiated gender models to demarcate their authority, Tran demonstrates that despite the Confucian ethos of the times, survival strategies were able to subvert gender norms and create new cultural models. Gender, thus, as a signifier of power relations, was central to the relationship between state and local communities in early modern Vietnam. Rich and detailed in its use of documentary evidence from a range of archives, this work will be of great interest to scholars of Southeast Asian history and the comparative study of gender.

This study documents the various forms and measures of political and economic assistance provided by Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Qatar to Egypt and Tunisia since the upheavals of 2011. It also analyzes the impact Gulf donor countries had on political and economic development within Egypt and Tunisia, particularly with regard to democratization and inclusive socio-economic change. Economically, efforts undertaken by the Gulf states were intended to stabilize the two countries, for example by helping them overcome budget deficits. While their business investments are not trickling down to the economically marginalized segments of society, some of the Gulf-funded development projects have been geared toward fueling more inclusive growth. Due to limited coordination between Arab and Western donor countries, however, there has thus far been little alignment of projects taking place in the same sectors. As a result, the potential for synergies between these projects has remained untapped. In political terms, as was expected, the Gulf states did not engage in efforts to promote more democratization. Indeed, in Egypt the assistance provided by Saudi Arabia and the UAE even contributed to a return to the pre-2011 order. For Germany and its partners to engage the Gulf states more intensively on governance matters and to create incentives, deeper knowledge is required about how political decisions are made in the Gulf. This is also essential for developing Germany's much-needed general strategy toward the Gulf states, which is currently lacking. The Deauville Partnership is a useful forum for improving and increasing future coordination.

This article analyzes and compares French and U.S. domestic responses to Jihadi radicalization, placing particular attention on the similarities between the two. In view of the political and cultural differences between the United States and France, the parallels between U.S. and French approaches to homegrown Jihadi radicalization are remarkable. Both countries got off to a late start when formulating counterradicalization strategies. While the underlying reasons (related to, inter alia, the notion of American exceptionalism and the French version of secularism) for this differ, the U.S. introduced its first counterradicalization strategy in 2011, followed by France in 2014. More important, so-called "soft" measures (including phone hotlines, dialogues and workshops, vocational training, targeted interventions, or counseling and exit programs), adopted by most Western democracies in an effort to prevent vulnerable individuals from radicalizing and reintegrate foreign fighters and others who have become infected with the Jihadi virus, have taken a back seat to "hard" security measures (including surveillance, arrests, and prosecutions) in the two countries. These findings have important implications for policymakers. Understanding what responses have been formulated, and also why, can facilitate international cooperation and provide useful insights on the characteristics, strengths, as well as limits of U.S. and French approaches to Jihadi radicals and foreign fighters.