Ambiguous Universality
In: Differences: a journal of feminist cultural studies, Band 7, Heft 1, S. 48-74
ISSN: 1527-1986
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In: Differences: a journal of feminist cultural studies, Band 7, Heft 1, S. 48-74
ISSN: 1527-1986
In: Proceedings of the annual meeting / American Society of International Law, Band 53, S. 1-9
ISSN: 2169-1118
In: Historical materialism: research in critical marxist theory, Band 30, Heft 4, S. 71-86
ISSN: 1569-206X
Abstract
Insurgent Universality offers a novel attempt to access history through a problematisation of the notion of universalism. Its main argument is based on three notions articulated in revolutionary events: temporalities, universality and insurgency. In this article we review their theoretical aspects, comment on their limitations, and outline potential reformulations.
In: Jaunu̜ju̜ mokslininku̜ darbai: Journal of young scientists, Band 48, Heft 2, S. 22-26
ISSN: 2424-3345
The paper presents universality of some analytic functions, which is a very exceptional and useful property of zeta and L-functions. The property for the Riemann zeta-function was discovered by S. M. Voronin. Later, many mathematicians, such as S. M. Gonek, A. Reich, B. Bagchi, A. Laurinčikas, K. Matsumoto, R. Garunkštis, J. Steuding and others improved and generalized Voronin's theorem. Physicists examine numerous models from different branches of physics (from classical mechanics to statistical physics) where this function plays an integral role.
In: The British journal of politics & international relations, Band 6, Heft 2, S. 259-269
ISSN: 1369-1481
Explores the relation between nationalism & racism, focusing on the tendencies of both toward universalism & particularism. Nationalism struggles toward rationality & uniformity (universalism), while simultaneously perpetuating & nurturing the specific cultural symbols & traditions of the nation (particularism). It is suggested that racism furthers the ambiguity of nationalism by providing it with a cultural & historical common ground that belongs exclusively to the national population; this claim of cultural/race homogeneity is the theoretical & universal justification for policies of exclusion & oppression. On the other hand, racism offers context-specific opportunities to define nationalism in terms of race & thereby legitimize the elimination & expulsion of otherness within a particular historical & social framework. However, it is argued that the integration of race with nationalism is self-defeating due to the ambiguity of racial categorizations & the associated need to define the privileged race in terms of social class or the political elite. These class distinctions contradict the antielitism & social homogeneity sought by nationalism. It is concluded that the idealization of the dominant race catalyzed by racism eventually threatens nationalism. T. Sevier
In: La convention sur l'interdiction et l'élimination des armes chimiques: une percée dans l'entreprise multilatérale du désarmement / The convention on the prohibition and elimination of chemical weapons: a breakthrough in multilateral disarmament, S. 151-166
In: The political quarterly, Band 40, Heft 1, S. 12-20
ISSN: 1467-923X
In: The Definition of Anti-Semitism, S. 106-119
In: Radical thinkers
In: Historical materialism: research in critical marxist theory, Band 30, Heft 4, S. 125-136
ISSN: 1569-206X
Abstract
In my response to Harry Harootunian, Aldo Beretta, Rebecca Fritzl, Niklas Plaetzer, and Vanita Seth, I discuss some of the terms that constitute the theoretical plot of my book: insurgent, universality, temporality. I also discuss the methodology of my work and the difference between radical democracy, insurgent democracy, and what I call the democratic excess. Eventually, in my response to Seth, I show how the work method of Insurgent Universality is maximally distant from any ontological discourse.
"We live amid countless claims for the importance of identity and an almost equal number of critiques of identity politics. Identity has become the privileged terrain for political struggle in contemporary society. For many on the Left, the turn from class politics to identity politics is something to lament. They argue for a return to a political critique of capitalist economics, which should have a position of primacy, they contend, relative to questions of identity. For conservatives, in contrast, identity politics marks a further radicalization of the Left, a triumph of what they erroneously call Cultural Marxism. Todd McGowan intervenes in these debates by offering as an alternative a new theory of universality that avoids the totalizing vision of previous homogenizing Eurocentric varieties. For McGowan, what unites us is not an ethics or a politics with which we all must agree but instead what we lack as political subjects who under conditions of capitalism cannot fully be who we are. This lack is the foundation of every emancipatory political project. In repositioning the debate between universality and identity in a new register, he shows that the real proponents of identity politics are the right-wing nationalist, ethnic, and religious fundamentalists who unite against their perceived enemies"--
In: Socialism and democracy: the bulletin of the Research Group on Socialism and Democracy, Band 8, S. 207-222
ISSN: 0885-4300
Analyzes objections to affirmative action (AA) in terms of two general categories: (1) universalistic criticisms, suggesting that AA allows for special treatment to particular individuals & is incompatible with universality; & (2) particularistic criticisms, suggesting that doing away with hiring quotas would ensure equal treatment for all. These criticisms are based on inappropriate generalizations & misunderstandings of the relationship of the universal to the particular. AA was not established to provide preferential treatment to a particular segment, but to counter operative differences of impact. D. Generoli
In: History of European ideas, Band 49, Heft 2, S. 460-471
ISSN: 0191-6599
In: American journal of international law: AJIL, Band 29, Heft S1, S. 563-572
ISSN: 2161-7953