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With the achievement of independence new leaders are emerging in many parts of Asia. Will the fragile new democracies survive the pressures exercised by them? The author explores the changing pattern in one Indian state over the last 40 yrs-not even a typical one, but one of the most pol'ally active ones & tries to trace the soc & geographical origins of its intermediate leadership & the changes that have occurred. What emerges is a spectacular rise in Ru leadership. This may mean that the Ur politicians' control over national & state goo's & the Ur emphasis on planning may undergo great changes. Gov planners may have either to modify plans based on over-all econ considerations or adopt authoritarian measures. Plans for econ growth may conflict with the democratic framework. IPSA.

Given knowledge of the circumstances of a large Ur minority group (Negroes) in a metropolitan area, & given knowledge of the leadership techniques used by pol'al candidates in an election, 'what kind of leadership can achieve maximum impact under the circumstances of the situation?' The study compares the election techniques of a Republican of the 'rational-manager' type & a Democrat of the 'head-chief' or city-boss type. Data are derived from participant observation & statistics from a series of pre-election surveys. From knowledge of the actual voting patterns, the author indicates some reasons for the success of the Democratic candidate. The successful leader won due to his success among the Negro people (1 in 5 of all persons of voting age) & due to the following voting patterns: Negroes voted along Democratic party lines, in terms of 'their people' rather than for the 'general community welfare'; they were visited personally by precinct captains, & spoke about the candidate in personal terms. These 'interests' were manipulated successfully by the winner despite the fact that his record was less formidable than his Republican opponent. Some tentative hypo's about the voting behavior of Ur Negroes are formulated, & some questions are raised about the relationship between the 'social act of voting' & bribery, & what kinds of Negro leadership used in an advisory capacity lead to what effects. T. L. Blair.

The study of leadership in local government for small- and middle-sized towns is a neglected phase of political science research. For many years scholars have accounted for the urban boss and machine; but its complementary counterpart at the grassroots has been taken for granted. Millions of Americans prefer to live and govern themselves in towns. Their politics warrants analysis not only because it will continue as a vital and characteristic contribution to our way of life but also because it frequently plays a superior rôle in state and national representation than it numerically is entitled to do

From the Countryside to the Cities. Among the many practical problems with which the Chinese Communists have been recently confronted is that of governing large cities and administering policy in urban and metropolitan areas. Only two years ago the major preoccupation of the Chinese Communist Party was with agrarian policy, with emphases on land redistribution, Party reorganization to strengthen the revolution in rural areas, and the construction and maintenance of "rear bases" to support the fighting front. But in the epochal year beginning with the fall of Mukden on November 2, 1948, the directions and emphases of Chinese Communist policy were substantially modified by the new situation created by the rapid capture of all of the seaports, the most important industrial and commercial centers, and nearly all of the provincial capitals of China. To permit the most effective exploitation of this newly-gained strategic momentum, the Party leadership was obliged, on relatively short notice, to find immediate solutions for problems of urban policy that had previously been anticipated as likely to arise in the future.Urban policy, accordingly, became the urgent question on the agenda of the Second Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, meeting in Shihchiachuang on March 15–23, 1949.

The Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (C.C.F.) movement in Saskatchewan is the first avowedly socialist group to win an electoral majority in any province or state of Canada or the United States. Many have expressed surprise that a socialist party should have won office in the most rural province in Canada. This paper is an attempt to throw some light on this question through a study of the leadership of the C.C.F. as compared with that of other community groups and political parties in that province.The significance of the growth of the C.C.F. party can best be expressed in economic class terms. The movement has two important aspects. Essentially, it represents the latest historical phase of the almost continuous conflict of the western grain farmers of the United States and Canada with eastern business interests. Secondly, within the province, success of the movement has resulted in a political transformation in which the representatives of the rural majority supported by the working class of the cities and towns rejected the political control of the urban middle-class business and professional groups which dominated the Liberal and Conservative parties and the government of the province.Since 1901, the farmers of the West and of Saskatchewan in particular, have been attempting to reduce the hazards of a one-crop wheat economy which is perennially subject to extreme fluctuations in income, as a result of the variability in grain prices and climatic conditions. At the turn of the century, Saskatchewan farmers organized the Territorial Grain Growers' Association (later the Saskatchewan Grain Growers' Association) to force the Canadian Pacific Railroad to provide loading platforms and freight cars for their wheat.

The country town, like the country village, has usually been considered not only as a part of the rural community but as its centre. The existence of division and even antagonism between town and country has not been ignored, but it has been discussed as something which ought not to be. This has been the result of at least two errors into which sociology frequently falls. One of these is forgetting that many of its easy dichotomies, such as that beween rural and urban communities, are merely logical constructs. They are tools which are at times useful in the analysis and interpretation of data; they are not immutable truths. The second error is setting sociology up as a normative rather than a scientific discipline. General sociology is beginning to outgrow this, but rural sociology is still strongly disposed to describe the ideal rather than the actual. In point of fact, throughout the United States and Canada, especially in times of rapid social change, the town of a few thousand people and the farming district around it have not formed a single community; they have been distinct and often hostile social entities.The town-country rift is especially wide on the frontier because of the different speeds with which the two types of community respond to new social conditions. On the farming frontier the small town is the representative of the old order of things, the rural community the representative of the new. In the early Canadian settlements, this fact was made very evident by the gathering of British government and military officials in the towns. The farmers in a recently settled region are pressed toward radicalism by the demands of the new environment and by temporary necessities arising from frontier conditions; they are cramped by the old system, and begin to strive for reform. The townsmen are farther removed from the situation to which the old ways do not provide a tolerable mode of adjustment; they are, to a greater extent than the farmers, in the position which Veblen ascribed to the leisure class, a position "sheltered from the action of the environment."