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Abstract
The Chinese are one of the earliest established immigrant communities in the Netherlands and they are part of the new 'superdiversity' of metropolitan societies around the world, where the relative clarity of previous migration patterns is overlaid by vastly more complex, multilayered and less stable trajectories of movement. Understanding globalization as superdiversity (i.e. as a diversification of diversity instead of a homogenization of global culture in local language and culture practices), this paper aims to disentangle the complexities of being and knowing Chinese in the Netherlands, with respect to internal diversities within Chineseness and its relation to changing Chinese language ideologies.
The empirical starting point for this contribution is an ethnographic project among young people of Chinese heritage living in the Netherlands in and around the setting of a complementary Chinese language school in the city of Eindhoven. The paper focuses on the polycentricity of Chinese, the transformations that occur in the linguistic culinary landscape and the discursive identity construction of Chinese-Dutch youth. Using a multi-site ethnographic methodology data are collected through structured observations, interviews with Chinese community members, linguistic landscaping and online ethnography.
Overall, the paper argues that an ongoing shift along with demographic, economic and political changes in China has altered migration patterns, language ideologies and linguistic landscapes in the Chinese diaspora in the Netherlands. Young people of Chinese heritage articulate a whole repertoire of inhabited and ascribed identities, and they do so by means of a complex display and deployment of the ensemble of linguistic and communicative resources at their disposal.

The article is devoted to the issues of the size of the Chinese diaspora (overseas Chinese or huaqiao-huaren — Chinese emigrants with PRC citizenship and ethnic Chinese with foreign citizenship), its location in the world and the degree of its self-organization. These issues are quite complex. There is still no generally accepted methodology for studying them. Changes in the size and geographical location of the Chinese diaspora are shown in a historical perspective, with an emphasis on 1949 (the creation of the PRC), 1978 (the beginning of the policy of reform and opening-up in the PRC) and 2000-2021 (suppositive present stage). The author analyzes international, Chinese (PRC and Taiwan), American and Russian estimates of the size of the Chinese diaspora and determines the range of the number of huaqiao-huaren at the present stage at 50-80 million people. She identifies 189 countries and regions of residence of overseas Chinese (earlier, a figure of 150-160 countries and regions appeared in national and foreign literature), and creates two maps of the geographical location of the Chinese diaspora by countries and regions of the world. One of them shows the actual number of overseas Chinese, the other shows the share of huaqiao-huaren in the population of countries and regions of the world. The paper also touches upon the topic of overseas Chinese communities. It studies the statistical data of the PRC and Taiwan regarding the size and types of activities of these communities. It also gives a brief overview of the economic situation of the Chinese diaspora in host countries. The author concludes that the Chinese diaspora has a high degree of self-organization and developed economic ties with China.

Lee Kum Kee (LKK) is the largest and best-known Chinese sauce brand in the world. The Hong Kong-based family enterprise, which originated in South China in 1888, has prospered through its worldwide oyster sauce trading network built among the Chinese diaspora. This paper examines the rise of LKK from the perspective of its network resources. It appears that LKK's dynamics with the 'old' and 'new' overseas Chinese communities are rather different: while it maintains its hold on the former, it has just begun to tap into the network resources of the latter. Hong Kong as a key hub of the Chinese diaspora was crucial in the construction of LKK's trading network. It also shaped the identity of LKK, making LKK first and foremost a Hong Kong Chinese enterprise rather than a Chinese enterprise.

Chinese identity in Southeast Asia has become complex and multifaceted over the past few decades. The Chinese diaspora in Southeast Asia has faced political challenges that pressure acculturation and assimilation, transforming its identity. This critical literature review outlines how Chinese identity in Southeast Asia has been viewed in connection with international relations and global politics. Using a taxonomic approach to scholarly works on the subject, the findings show that Chinese identity in Southeast Asia is a multi-dimensional one composed of diverse and unique community identities. Chinese identity is also viewed as a spectrum that is imagined both by nation-states and the community itself. Consequently, members of the Chinese diaspora are not simply viewed as actors, agents, or political instruments in international politics but also as independent subjects with their own stories and experiences.

Cover -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1/ Hong Kong and the Rise of Capitalism in Asia -- 2/ Localism and the Organization of Overseas Migration in the Nineteenth Century -- 3/ Chinese Cities: The Difference a Century Makes -- 4/ Between China and the World: Hong Kong's Economy Before and After 1997 -- 5/ Hong Kong: Cultural Kaleidoscope on a World Landscape -- 6/ Chineseness: The Dilemmas of Place and Practice -- 7/ Deciding to Stay, Deciding to Move, Deciding Not to Decide

Abstract
Due to push and pull factors, millions of Chinese migrants fanned out into the Nanyang from the mid-1800s onward. The G1 (first generation) diasporic Chinese left China with a sojourner mentality, compelling their philanthropic action back to motherland China. As G1 diasporic Chinese and their second or third generation ethnic Chinese (G2, G3 …) eventually settled as nationals into various countries in Southeast Asia, their Confucian Chinese values were confronted, severely tested, remolded, and evolved as they assimilated and converged with the political, social, and economic circumstances of the times. With self-help and mutual aid philanthropy, they thrived and prospered in the Nanyang and were soon propelled to lead local communities. As they engendered gratitude to where they built their wealth, raised families, and honored ancestry in their resettled new homes, their loyalties, generosity, and philanthropy also began to shift away from China. This study investigates these traditions, ethos, and value systems through the lens of philanthropy.