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Kurztext: Dieser Band berücksichtigt die Regelwerke internationaler Institutionen, wie zum Beispiel die Regelung des Gesetzes zum Internationalen Privatrecht, die Schiedsverfahrensregelungen in der ZPO, die Umsetzung der EU-Richtlinie zum Zahlungsverkehr in Europa, das Regelwerk der ICC zum Schiedsverfahren sowie auch die Richtlinien der EU zum Electronic Commerce

"Internationale Ordnungspolitik braucht ein stimmiges Konzept, wie die Internationale Ordnung beschaffen sein sollte. Dieses Konzept muss sich einerseits an dominierenden westlichen Wertorientierungen von Demokratie und globaler Marktwirtschaft orientieren, andererseits aber auch außerhalb der westlichen Welt Legitimität finden. Erfüllt werden könnten diese Anforderungen durch eine Vision internationaler Ordnung, die auf eine systematische Zivilisierung der Konfliktaustragung und die Verregelung und Verrechtlichung der internationalen Beziehungen abzielt. Dies impliziert ein Ordnungsmodell, in dem die Unterschiede zwischen demokratischer Innenpolitik und Welt-Ordnungspolitik schrittweise zurückgedrängt und schließlich aufgelöst werden. Die Realisierung einer derartigen Konzeption wird gegenwärtig und auf absehbare Zukunft eher durch Steuerungsdefizite der internationalen Ordnungspolitik und die Eigendynamik von Globalisierungsprozessen als durch Gegenspieler mit anderen ordnungspolitischen Entwürfen gefährdet. Auch die Gefahren, die vom islamischen Fundamentalismus ausgehen, sind letztlich nur Folgeerscheinungen einer durchgängigen Tendenz zur politischen Entropie. Um die Probleme zu überwinden, braucht internationale Ordnungspolitik zuförderst leistungsfähige Staaten. Der moderne, demokratische Nationalstaat hat die Zivilisierung der Konfliktaustragung in den eigenen Grenzen zwar in der Regel erreicht, aber in vielen nichtwestlichen Ländern existieren Institutionen moderner Staatlichkeit nur unvollständig oder gar nicht. Die internationale Gemeinschaft ist aufgerufen, hier staatsbildend einzugreifen. Zugleich gerät der Nationalstaat auch im Westen durch Prozesse der Globalisierung unter Druck: nur über zwischenstaatliche und supranationale Zusammenarbeit kann er verlorene Handlungsfähigkeit wiedergewinnen. Eine Schlüsselrolle kommt beim Aufbau einer den Problemen angemessenen Weltordnung der Zusammenarbeit zwischen den USA und der Europäischen Union zu. Grundsätzliche Vorbehalte Amerikas gegen eine derartige Ordnungskonzeption einerseits und die unzureichende Handlungsfähigkeit der EU andererseits stehen indes der Umsetzung dieser Vision im Wege." (Autorenreferat)

Abstract: Relationship-building and reciprocity are key aspects of international student mobility, but they have been given little attention in the social work literature. International mobility, in the form of both field placements and short-term study experiences, is an increasingly common and valued dimension of Australian social work education. Interest in such initiatives has been facilitated by the availability of government financial support for student travel through programs such as 'Asia-Bound' and the New Colombo Plan (NCP), which focus on travel to the Asia-Pacific. The benefits of such intercultural opportunities seem clear, and have been noted in the literature (Bell & Anscombe, 2012). However, significant critiques of such programs also exist, often highlighting the uni-directional nature of such travel, and the potential for mobility projects involving travel from the Global North to the Global South to reproduce and perpetuate unequal, colonialist relationships (Razack, 2009). The 'Going Places' research project was funded by the Australian Office of Learning and Teaching (OLT) to explore the issue of international student exchange in Australian social work education, with a research team drawn from institutions in Australia, India and Thailand. The project involved interviews, focus groups and workshops with Australian academics and students, as well as with host institutions in a number of Asia Pacific nations. Drawing on findings from this research project, as well as the authors' own experience in developing and facilitating international mobility projects, this presentation identifies the lack of attention given to building sustainable and reciprocal relationships as a significant barrier to developing an ethical approach to international student mobility. As a response to this issue, the authors present evidence-based guidelines for better practice, and an example of their own efforto build sustainable, reciprocal and ethical mobility relationships.

With a growing world economy & increasingly global markets, firms have come to regard political risk as a crucial issue when making decisions about their exports & foreign investments. Theories concerning political risk have been limited to financial or category-based approaches. Economic reality belies these theories, revealing the emphasis that companies also place on projects. Companies no longer view risk in purely negative terms, as a barrier to internationalization; they also see it as an opportunity for rapid penetration of a number of growth markets. Here, the example of the Algerian market illustrates this view of risk in an international setting because it demonstrates a high degree of political risk alongside a growing volume of direct foreign involvement. 3 References. Adapted from the source document.

Islands make a remarkable contribution to understandings of decolonization, in particular where severance with former colonial powers was impeded by dependency. In their decolonization narrative, Mauritian politicians drove negotiations with the British imperial power but were hoodwinked by the detachment of the Chagos Archipelago, also known as the British Indian Ocean Territory, in 1965. Chagossian activists and a new generation of Mauritian politicians kept the Chagos Archipelago on the political agenda while varied economic and diplomatic relations allowed Mauritius greater freedom to exercise its sovereignty. Finally, in 2018, Mauritius contested the status of the Archipelago before the International Court of Justice. The case represents an episode of anti-colonial struggle where participants sought to reframe and officialise their shared island histories. The event also revealed broader shifts in global politics in which former imperial powers seem less likely to reap the benefits of the international institutions they designed. ; peer-reviewed

AbstractThis paper examines China's involvement in the governance of international development finance (IDF), analyzes its approach to the IDF regime complex, and explains its strategic policy incoherence. It shows that in recent decades China has actively engaged with the elemental IDF regimes at multiple levels – global, regional, cross‐regional, subregional, and bilateral. It argues that the Chinese government has been strategically incoherent in its policy toward IDF governance, lending support to competing models and norms. China's 'forum linking' strategy with regard to multilateral development banks has enhanced international cooperation while its unconventional bilateral development assistance programs have facilitated 'forum shopping' by the recipient countries, thus undermining the traditional IDF framework. There are multiple sources of China's strategic policy incoherence. Besides the country's multiple identities and complex interests, this paper highlights the impact of the fragmented nature of the regime complex and Chinese perception of this fragmentation.