Search results

Preliminary Material /Shimon Shetreet -- General Introduction /Shimon Shetreet -- Judicial Independence, Liberty, Democracy and International Economy /Shimon Shetreet -- Accountability of Judicial Service Commissions to the Law: The Case of South Africa /Christopher Forsyth -- Reflections on Judicial Independence: Past Achievements and Future Agenda /Marcel Storme -- Judging the Independence and Integrity of Foreign Courts /Neil Andrews -- The Protection of Religious Liberty in the United States: The Supreme Court Jurisprudence /Maimon Schwarzschild -- The Culture of Peace and Human Rights: The Development of Human Rights Protection in the European Union /Shimon Shetreet -- Globalization of Human Rights and Mutual Influence between Courts: The Innovative Reverse Path of the Right to the Truth /Arianna Vedaschi -- The Independence of the Judiciary in Belgium /Marc Bossuyt -- On Fairness /Sir Louis Blom-Cooper QC -- The Conceptual Definition of the Constitutional Court in Italy /Giuseppe Franco Ferrari -- The Scope of Judicial Review and the Rule of Law: Between Judicial Restraint and Judicial Activism /Sir Louis Blom-Cooper QC -- Entering the Political Thicket: The Role of the Judiciary as an Arbiter in Relation to Making and Implementation of Public Policy /Anton Cooray -- On Judges Writing Commentaries: Is It Appropriate for a Judge to Engage in Outside Activities? /Fryderyk Zoll -- Procedural Guarantees of Independence and Impartiality of Judges in Russia /Sergey Nikitin -- The Relationship of the Judiciary and Legislature in Australia /HP Lee -- Relations Between the Court and the Parties in the Managerial Age /Neil Andrews -- Independence of Court Proceedings: Impartiality and Fairness /Dmitry Magonya -- Recusal of Judges: A Commonwealth Survey of the Applicable Tests /Cyrus Das -- The Status of Codes of Judicial Conduct in Comparative Perspectives /Shimon Shetreet -- Judicial Independence in the Context of International Investment Law /Guiguo Wang -- Judicial Impartiality in International Courts: Of Law and Corruption /Wayne McCormack -- Arbitral Awards and Errors of English Law: Refining The Law – Making Function of The Judicial Appeal System /Neil Andrews -- The Influence of the European Convention on Human Rights on Judicial Independence in Criminal Procedural Law in Switzerland /Gian Andrea Danuser -- Recent Developments in Judicial Elections in the United States and their Impact on Impartiality of Judges /Chandra R. de Silva -- Culture and Judicial Independence in Civil Procedure /Dmitry Maleshin -- Constitutional Adjudication and Appointments to the uk Supreme Court /Sophie Turenne -- Appointment of Judges and Legal Responsibility of Judges: Guarantees of Independence in Russia /Sergey Nikitin -- The Bumpy Road Towards Judicial Independence: Past, Present and Future Prospects of Mainland China /Liu Hao -- Administrative Justice System in Italy /Giuseppe Franco Ferrari -- Judicial Independence and the Three Highest Courts in Austria /Walter H. Rechberger -- Analysis of the Amendments to the Mt. Scopus International Standards of Judicial Independence /Shimon Shetreet.

Digital Governance is a new issue within the Public Administration, it seeks to solve socio-economic problems, such as using digital technologies to support public policy objectives, and facilitating improvements in the development of different specific areas of government, including health, education, security and other sectors; it uses new technologies such as social media, to engage citizens in decisions, the objective is to make government data available in such a way that companies, researchers and citizens can use that data and develop services and applications, integrate in a single environment the citizen with public and private institutions. This article conducts observational and retrospective research based on a systematic review of literature by searching for articles published from 2016 to 2020, in databases such as IEEE, Elservier, Springer, Oxford, Doaj, Scielo, Google Scholar. The articles analysed refer to six major areas, such as: connected citizens, democratic control of citizens, the feeling of the citizen who is a political player, activism and technologies, electoral information, and election campaigns. We can conclude that there are no relevant scientific productions in Latin American countries, there is only one article in certain countries. So, there is a new research segment on this issue of digital governance and technopolitics ; La gobernanza digital es un tema nuevo dentro de la administración pública, que trata de resolver los problemas socioeconómicos, como la utilización de tecnologías digitales para apoyar los objetivos de políticas públicas y facilitar mejoras en el desarrollo de diferentes áreas específicas de gobierno, entre ellas salud, educación, seguridad y otras. Además, utiliza las nuevas tecnologías como las redes sociales, para comprometer a los ciudadanos en las decisiones. El objetivo es poner a disposición de la ciudadanía los datos del gobierno, de tal manera que las empresas, investigadores y ciudadanos puedan utilizar esos datos y desarrollar servicios y aplicaciones, de tal forma que se integre en un solo entorno al ciudadano con las instituciones públicas y privadas. En este artículo se realiza una investigación observacional y retrospectiva, sobre la base de una revisión sistemática de la literatura y mediante la búsqueda de artículos publicados desde el 2016 al 2020, en bases de datos como: IEEE, Elservier, Springer, Oxford, Doaj, Scielo, Google Scholar. En los artículos analizados se hace referencia a seis grandes áreas, como son: los ciudadanos conectados, el control democrático de la ciudadanía, el sentir del ciudadano que es protagonista político, el activismo y las tecnologías, la información electoral, y las campañas electorales. Podemos concluir que no existem producciones científicas relevantes en los países de Latinoamérica; solo hay un artículo en ciertos países, por lo que hay un nuevo segmento de investigación en este tema de gobernanza digital y tecnopolíticas.

How did a conservative and religious society in Los Altos region, a privileged place of the "Cristeada" in the Mexican state of Jalisco, saw the birth and production of a revolutionary, anti-clerical, anarcho-syndicalist and free-thinking woman? She defined herself with all this caracteristics while she helped to create one of the sections of the "Casa del Obrero Mundial", in 1924. But what is "La Cristiada? It was an armed movement in the 20s, between the government and militias of Catholics who rejected the legislation and public policies of the moment. Based on this problem, I propose an approach, using the methods from Cultural History, to the life and the political and social activism of Soledad de Ávila Orozco. She is also a pioneer of women's suffrage in Mexico, in 1937, as an independent candidate for local deputation, in the neighboring state of Guanajuato. He won, with a wide margin of votes, but as he had anticipated, he was not allowed to hold the position. But as she said, that was not the important thing, what mattered was "open the gap and set a precedent." And what about her constituents? They belogned at different affiliations and ideologies, they were Catholics, anticlericals, and anarchists; but mainly of them were part of the United Front for Women's Rights, grup of which she was a founding member. He continued fighting for the women's rights until the age 84, she died in 1985. ; ¿Cómo una sociedad conservadora y religiosa de la región de Los Altos, escenario privilegiado de la Cristiada en el estado mexicano de Jalisco, vio nacer y produjo una mujer revolucionaria, anticlerical, anarcosindicalista y libre pensadora?, según ella se autodefinía mientras ayudaba a crear una de las secciones de la Casa del Obrero Mundial, en 1924. La Cristiada fue un movimiento armado en los años 20, entre el gobierno y las milicias de católicos que resistían a la legislación y políticas públicas. Partiendo de esa problemática propongo una aproximación, desde la Historia Cultural, a la vida y activismo político y social de Soledad de Ávila Orozco, también pionera del sufragio femenino en México, cuando se postuló en 1937 como candidata independiente para diputada local, en el estado de Guanajuato. Ganó, con un amplio margen de votos, pero como había previsto, no le permitieron desempeñar el cargo. Tampoco era eso lo importante, según decía, y sí "abrir brecha y sentar un precedente". ¿Sus electores? Eran de las más diferentes filiaciones e ideologías, desde católicos, anticlericales y anarquistas, pero, principalmente, miembros del Frente Único Pro-Derechos de la Mujer, del que Soledad Ávila Orozco será una de las fundadoras. Siguió luchando hasta los 84 años, cuando murió en 1985.

This article outlines the history of the Spanish Catholic petition drives from 1812, when Catholic activist collected twenty thousand signatures against the abolition of the Inquisition, to 1869, when they gathered three million signatures opposing freedom of religion. This last campaign, albeit with some irregularities in the procuring of names, produced the most considerable amount of signatures to a petition of nineteenth-century Spain. The research is built upon newspapers, printed leaflets, records of parliamentary debates and parliamentary and Vatican archival collections. Contrary to other nineteenth-century drives, Spanish Catholic petitions usually accepted signatures of women and children, thus clashing with the virile understanding of citizenship embraced by the dominant liberal culture. By paying attention to this and other peculiarities, this article aims to reconstruct the cultural understandings that, in dialogue with the experiences of Catholics of other countries, the Spanish activists developed in order to make use of mass-signed petitions and addresses, a form of doing politics that many understood as belonging to the world of Jacobinism and liberalism. The main conclusion is that Catholic activism played a crucial role in the inscription of the social movement, here understood as a peculiar form of doing politics, into the political culture of nineteenth-century Spaniards. ; A partir de la conceptualización del movimiento social como una forma de hacer política asociada a la institucionalización del sistema representativo, este artículo traza la contribución del activismo católico a la inserción de las recogidas de firmas en la cultura política española del siglo XIX. El artículo estudia sucesivas campañas peticionarias, desde la de 1812 a favor de la Inquisición hasta la que se opuso a la libertad de cultos en 1869. Mediante el análisis cruzado de discusiones y noticias en prensa, panfletos y correspondencia, así como de los originales de las listas de firmantes manuscritas conservadas en distintos archivos, se trata de reinsertar la movilización católica en la historia de la política popular. A pesar de su idea de que las campañas de movilización respondían a una comprensión de los derechos políticos ajena al catolicismo, los católicos fueron pioneros en su uso y lograron movilizaciones sin parangón. Además, en el seno de este movimiento las mujeres tomaron la iniciativa y la palabra en unas proporciones también inusitadas en otros ámbitos. La conclusión es que tanto por en sus aspectos formales como en sus dimensiones participativas, las campañas católicas ocuparon un lugar central en la historia de los movimientos sociales españoles del siglo XIX. Además, su estudio invita a revisitar las interpretaciones de la vida política española del siglo XIX que insisten en que su rasgo fundamental sería la desmovilización.

Werbung ist aus betriebswirtschaftlicher Perspektive essentiell, sie wird jedoch seit jeher auch kritisiert. Jüngste Kritik wurde im Kontext der Klimakrise vonseiten der Postwachstumsökonomie laut, welche die konsum- und wachstumstreibende Funktion von Werbung als problematisch erachtet. Ergänzend dazu sind ein zunehmender zivilgesellschaftlicher Aktivismus sowie Restriktionsmaßnahmen auf politischer Ebene festzustellen, die vor allem den Teilbereich der Außenwerbung adressieren.Die vorliegende Arbeit widmet sich der näheren Beleuchtung des Außenwerbesektors und geht in ihrer empirischen Forschung der Frage nach den Hindernissen und Erfolgsfaktoren am Weg zu werbefreien Städten nach. Damit soll eine Einschätzung des Veränderungspotentials von Werbung im öffentlichen Raum ermöglicht werden. Die Ergebnisse basieren auf qualitativen Interviews mit VertreterInnen werbekritischer Initiativen.Die Arbeit zeigt auf, dass die Außenwerbebranche einen komplexen Sektor darstellt, der sich mit seinem Geschäftsmodell tief in die Strukturen des öffentlichen Raums eingeschrieben hat. Die finanzielle Abhängigkeit von den Werbeeinnahmen, mangelhafte rechtliche Instrumente zu ihrer Einschränkung und die Aktivitäten der Außenwerbelobby stellen die wesentlichsten Herausforderungen dar. Demgegenüber stehen Aspekte, die einer Veränderung zuträglich sind, wie beispielsweise das Einhergehen einer Außenwerbereduktion mit anderen politischen Zielsetzungen, die zunehmende gesellschaftliche Sensibilisierung, die Vielfalt an thematischen Anknüpfungspunkten oder das Vorhandensein einer rechtlichen Argumentationsbasis.Die erst in ihren Anfängen stehende Auseinandersetzung mit der Thematik und die etablierten Strukturen lassen auf einen noch langen Weg hin zur breiteren Durchsetzung von Außenwerberestriktionen schließen. Insbesondere aufgrund ihrer Rolle, die Werbung im Kontext der Klimakrise innehat, sind jedoch früher oder später partielle Einschränkungen der Außenwerbung zu erwarten. ; Nowadays, advertising is essential to boost a businesses' commercial performance and has established itself as a vital business industry. However, advertising has been under scrutiny since its early beginnings. Recently, criticism has emerged in the context of the climate crisis, with proponents of the degrowth movement claiming that advertising's consumerist and growth-driving function should be considered problematic. In addition to this, activism of civil society as well as several political measures addressing especially outdoor advertising are growing.This master thesis aims to understand the outdoor advertising sector and assess its potential to change. The empirical part seeks to identify the hindering and facilitating factors that stand in the way of realizing an ad-free public space. The results are based on qualitative interviews done with representatives of citizen initiatives concerned with reducing outdoor advertising.Outcomes show that the outdoor advertising branch is a highly complex sector firmly anchored in public space structures. A financial dependency on advertising income, inadequate judicial instruments for its restriction and powerful outdoor advertising lobbies are the main challenges. In contrast, several facilitating factors benefit the push towards more significant outdoor advertising restrictions, such as its positive impact on politically desired goals (e.g. climate neutrality), a growing societal sensitizing, a variety of different thematic arguments and the existence of a legal framework.Societal reflection on the effects of outdoor advertising is only in its beginnings. The well-established structures give reason to assume that a broader transformation of the outdoor advertising sector will still take some time. Nevertheless, given the role of advertising in the context of the climate crisis, a stepwise implementation of restrictions on outdoor advertising can be considered realistic. ; Arbeit an der Bibliothek noch nicht eingelangt - Daten nicht geprüft ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Masterarbeit, 2021 ; (VLID)6341750

International protection systems are based on the centrality of the State to guarantee the safety of human rights defenders (HRDs). In parallel, the dominant paradigm to protect HRDs at risk is the provision of individual protection measures. These solutions do not match the reality in many countries: States have regressed in their role as guarantor of human rights; and they have yielded their place to non-state actors, even entering into corrupt alliances with the latter, favoring the repression of communities that organize to defend their rights. The fieldwork experience of Protection International teams in countries of Latin America, Southeast Asia and sub-Saharan Africa has shown that the protection of HRDs is part of activism for claiming human rights as a social process and within its nature as social and relational beings. In other words, HRDs must be assumed as beings immersed in the struggles of their communities, their relationship with other social and political actors, and in their interaction with the territories, in the resistance to repressive and violent environments. It is from these relationships within networks that collective action in defense of human rights is favored - action that incorporates protection practices that help maintain resistance. ; Los sistemas internacionales de protección se basan en la centralidad del Estado para garantizar la seguridad de las defensoras y defensores de derechos humanos (DDH). En paralelo, el paradigma dominante para proteger aquellos DDH en situación de riesgo es la provisión de medidas individuales de protección. Estas soluciones no se compaginan con la realidad en muchos países: los Estados han retrocedido en su rol de garante de los derechos humanos; y han cedido su lugar a actores no estatales, incluso entrando en alianzas corruptas con estos últimos, favoreciendo la represión de comunidades que se organizan para defender sus derechos. La experiencia de trabajo de terreno de los equipos de Protection International en países de América Latina, Sudeste asiático y África subsahariana ha venido demostrando que la protección de las y los DDH se inscribe dentro del activismo por reivindicar derechos humanos como proceso social y dentro de su naturaleza como seres sociales y relacionales. Es decir, las y los DDH deben ser asumidos como seres inmersos en las luchas de sus comunidades, su relacionamiento con otros actores sociales y políticos, y en su interacción con los territorios, en la resistencia ante entornos represivos y violentos. Es a partir de ahí esas relaciones dentro de redes que se favorece la acción colectiva de defensa de los derechos humanos – acción que incorpora prácticas de protección que ayudan a mantener la resistencia.

Symbolic crusades in Lusatia and Brittany? An analysis of minority language movements from the perspective of status politicsThis paper proposes to analyse mobilizations for regional minority languages in Lusatia and Brittany from the perspective of "status politics". In a post-modern context, where traditional speech communities are fragmented by territorial and social mobility, speaking a minority language seems to be a matter of personal choice, structured through engagement and activism. Assuming that languages are part of a linguistic economy shaped by power conflicts and struggle for classifications, this article approaches the promotion of regional and minority languages as a struggle for social recognition of particular cultures, styles of life and collective prestige. By using the tools of political sociology, our ambition is to examine actions for Upper and Lower Sorbian, Breton and Gallo as symbolic ones, aiming at influencing the distribution of social prestige in Lusatia and Brittany, thus exceeding mere language issues. Today, campaigners for minority languages of Lusatia and Brittany participate in "revitalization movements" which also assert visions of the social world. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with language activists and on participatory observations, the idea is to consider to what extent linguistic mobilizations can be qualified as symbolic crusades", and in what ways this sociological notion could be useful to understand the mechanisms at work in linguistic collective action in general. Krucjaty symboliczne na Łużycach i w Bretanii? Próba spojrzenia na aktywizm mniejszości językowych poprzez analizę polityki statusuArtykuł proponuje spojrzenie na mobilizację użytkowników regionalnych języków mniejszościowych na Łużycach i w Bretanii z perspektywy polityki statusu. W ponowoczesnym kontekście, w którym tradycyjne wspólnoty komunikacyjne zostały rozbite przez wzrost mobilności terytorialnej i społecznej, używanie języka mniejszościowego wydaje się kwestią jednostkowego wyboru, realizowanego poprzez osobiste zaangażowanie i aktywizm. Przyjmując założenie, że języki stanowią element ekonomii lingwistycznej, kształtowanej przez konflikty władzy i potrzebę klasyfikacji, artykuł traktuje promowanie języków regionalnych i mniejszościowych jako walkę o akceptację konkretnych kultur i stylów życia oraz o prestiż społeczny. Korzystając z narzędzi socjologii politycznej, autorka stawia sobie za cel zbadanie działań na rzecz języków górnołużyckiego, dolnołużyckiego, bretońskiego i gallo jako działalności symbolicznej, mającej prowadzić do zmian w dystrybucji prestiżu społecznego na Łużycach i w Bretanii, a zatem wykraczającej poza kwestie czysto językowe. Obecnie działacze na rzecz języków mniejszościowych na Łużycach i w Bretanii biorą udział w "ruchu rewitalizacyjnym", który przedstawia również własną wizję świata społecznego. Opierając się na częściowo ustrukturyzowanych wywiadach z aktywistami językowymi oraz na obserwacji uczestniczącej, autorka próbuje określić, do jakiego stopnia mobilizacja językowa może być uznana za "krucjatę symboliczną" i w jaki sposób ta wywodząca się z socjologii koncepcja może być przydatna dla zrozumienia mechanizmów funkcjonujących w szerszym kontekście działań zbiorowych o charakterze językowym.

Serbia is said to have one of the highest rates of brain drain in the world. For the generation glossed as the "children of the 1990s," stances toward mobility and migration have shifted along with geopolitics. Following nearly two decades of wartime entrapment, in 2009 the conditions of possibility for mobility fundamentally changed for Serbian citizens. Of both symbolic and material consequence, the country's return to respectable geopolitical standing also marked a shift toward more nuanced stancetaking in relation to mobility and migration. Namely, by the time of my research, the expectations of youth—not only of "normal mobility" but of "normalcy" more generally—had become more and more often calibrated against personal experiences of real-life travel. Based on fifteen months of ethnographic fieldwork in Belgrade, Serbia from October 2014–December 2015, this dissertation tracks some of the consequences of this shift for young potential migrants in Serbia. I explore how the problem of skilled migration is constituted, the discourses produced, and the practices prompted. I analyze the mobility narratives of young potential migrants as proxies for commentary on a host of other socioeconomic issues. My focus is on the real and symbolic geographies invoked in talk of leaving and staying in Serbia; on how young potential migrants narrate their everyday navigations in the "here and now" and give moral weight to migratory aspirations for, and experiences of, lives lived in the "then and there." I argue that the foundational motif of these varied imaginaries is a deep investment in meritocracy--a value-laden register called upon to articulate aspiration as well as critique. Engaging the politics of mobility holistically, I also excavate what it means to stay in a context so many others leave. I explore the growth of social entrepreneurship and the digital economy as recent efforts to coax dignified work from an inhospitable climate of precarity (and as key to governmental "solutions" to brain drain). I untangle how entrepreneurialism is promoted as a project of reforming values while also serving as a realm of authenticity and "apolitical activism" for some. Training attention on work in the digital economy I illuminate how economic subjectivities are cultivated in complex relation to place and belonging in ways that muddy the dichotomy between staying and leaving. Finally, I show how both promoters of entrepreneurship and Serbia's digital transformation harness the dominant discourse on brain drain to cast themselves as certain social types and legitimize their agendas. This dissertation demonstrates how contemporary stances toward mobility and migration articulate aspirations to dignify the conditions of life and work, are implicated in a reconfiguration of middle-classness, and reveal how postsocialist subjects understand themselves and construct life projects in the context of ongoing political and socioeconomic change.

Montserrat Sagot (Costa Rica) es Doctora en Sociología especializada en Género y Licenciada en Antropología. Cuenta con una amplia experiencia en la Universidad de Costa Rica, donde se ha desempeñado como Decana, Vicedecana, Directora de la Maestría Regional en Estudios de la Mujer, Directora del Consejo Universitario. Es autora de una gran diversidad de publicaciones e investigaciones relacionadas, principalmente, con las diversas formas de violencia contra las mujeres, femicidios y movimientos feministas. Articula su trabajo académico con la creación y organización de los primeros grupos de autoayuda para mujeres maltratadas en una de las organizaciones feministas histórica de Costa Rica y América Central: CEFEMINA (Centro Feminista de Información y Acción), fundada en 1980.La conversación que mantuvimos con Montserrat Sagot se produjo en el marco del III Seminario -Taller "Mujeres y ciudades. (In)justicias territoriales", organizado por CISCSA, Articulación Feminista Marcosur y FemGeS. En este espacio en que confluyeron diversas organizaciones y colectivas territoriales de distintas ciudades de Argentina y de otros países latinoamericanos, Sagot brindó la conferencia "La acción política feminista en los nuevos contextos: límites y posibilidades". Ante el escenario de la reacción neoliberal y conservadora que atraviesa nuestra región, le propusimos a Montserrat conversar sobre los desafíos que afrontan los feminismos y los activismos de la disidencia sexual. ; Montserrat Sagot (Costa Rica) is a Doctor in Sociology specialized in Gender and Bachelor in Anthropology. She has extensive experience at the University of Costa Rica, where she has served as Dean, Vice-Dean, Director of the Regional Master's Degree in Women's Studies, Director of the University Council. She is the author of a great diversity of publications and research related mainly to the diverse forms of violence against women, femicides and feminist movements. She articulates her academic work with the creation and organization of the first self-help groups for battered women in one of the historical feminist organizations of Costa Rica and Central America: CEFEMINA (Centro Feminista de Información y Acción), founded in 1980.The conversation we had with Montserrat Sagot took place within the framework of the III Seminar-Workshop "Women and Cities. (In)justicias territoriales", organized by CISCSA, Articulación Feminista Marcosur and FemGeS. In this space where several organizations and territorial collectives from different cities in Argentina and other Latin American countries converged, Sagot gave the conference "Feminist Political Action in the New Contexts: Limits and Possibilities". Faced with the scenario of the neoliberal and conservative reaction that our region is going through, we proposed to Montserrat to talk about the challenges faced by feminisms and sexual dissidence activisms.

The article is devoted to the study of discursive practices of denial in intercultural communication as a kind of discursive social practice. The multidimensional nature of intercultural communication determines the complexity of the problems of studying intercultural communication from the point of view of culture studies, linguistics, sociology, philosophy, ethnology, pragmatics, the theory of mass communication, political science and public administration. The study of the pragmatic aspect of intercultural communication is relevant from the point of view of the integrated approach that helps to reveal the picture of the world of the people, its way of life, and the socio-cultural conditionality of the language allows us to establish the facts of the culture of the people, which contributes to better mutual understanding in the intercultural dialogue. The article noted that there is a significant difference between sociocultural space and time and multicultural space.From our point of view, the current situation of the development of new strategies of cultural communities that are active in activism is not deprived of the national and cultural potential of the society, a lot of mental and spiritual growth, and there is no new pattern of new growth. ; Статья посвящена изучению дискурсивных практик межкультурной коммуникации как разновидность дискурсивной социальной практики. Многосторонний характер межкультурной коммуникации определяет комплексность проблем изучения межкультурного общения с точки зрения культурологии, лингвистики, социологии, философии, этнологии, прагматики, теории массовой коммуникации, политологии и государственного управления. Исследование прагматического аспекта межкультурной коммуникации является актуальным с точки зрения комплексного подхода, способствует выявлению картины мира народа, его образа жизни, а социокультурная обусловленность языка позволяет установить факты культуры народа, в межкультурном диалоге способствует лучшему взаимопониманию. В статье отмечено, что есть существенное различие между социокультурным пространством и временем и мультикультурным пространством.С нашей точки зрения, современная ситуация требует разработки новых стратегий межкультурных коммуникаций, ориентированных на активизацию не только национально-культурных потенциалов общества, но и ментальных, духовных внутренне личностных ресурсов каждого человека. ; Стаття присвячена вивченню дискурсивних практик заперечення в міжкультурній комунікації як різновид дискурсивної соціальної практики. Багатосторонній характер міжкультурної комунікації визначає комплексність проблем вивчення міжкультурного спілкування з точки зору культурології, лінгвістики, соціології, філософії, етнології, прагматики, теорії масової комунікації, політології та державного управління. Дослідження прагматичного аспекту міжкультурної комунікації є актуальним з точки зору комплексного підходу, що сприяє виявленню картини світу народу, його способу життя, а соціокультурна обумовленість мови дозволяє встановити факти культури народу, що в міжкультурному діалозі сприяє кращому взаєморозумінню. У статті зазначено, що є істотна відмінність між соціокультурним простором та часом й мультикультурним простором.З нашої точки зору, сучасна ситуація вимагає розробки нових стратегій міжкультурних комунікацій, орієнтованих на активізацію не лише національно-культурних потенціалів суспільства, але й ментальних, духовних внутрішньо особистісних ресурсів кожної людини.

An alternative proposal for social and ecological transformation in the face of a converging set of global crises, food sovereignty serves as a galvanizing concept for a growing number of movements across the globe. As scholars grapple with the concept, however, certain issues, such as questions of the role of the state in food sovereignty construction, have surfaced as recur-ring sticking points, or areas of seeming irreconcilable tension. It is argued here that key to theorizing about food sovereignty is drawing lessons from its attempted construction on the ground, as movements and other actors are forced to confront its contradictions, inconsistencies and many gray areas head-on. Toward such ends, this study advances a historical, relational and interactive (HRI) framework that approaches food sovereignty construc-tion as a historically embedded, continually evolving set of processes that are interactively shaped by state and societal forces, reflecting competing paradigms and approaches. The HRI framework is applied to the case of Venezuela, home to one of the longest-running national-level experiments in food sovereignty con-struction since the start of its political process known as the Bolivarian Revolution in 1999. While this experiment has seen some important gains over the years, including in the areas of agrarian reform, nutrition and agroecology, today, ongoing shortages of key food items expose cracks in Venezuela's food system and highlight both the enormity and urgency of the task of food sovereignty construction, as well as the limitations of ef-forts to date. Examination of the challenges at present gives rise to the question of whether a push for alternatives in efforts to construct food sovereignty may have taken precedence over attempts at dismantling or otherwise transforming Venezuela's dominant agrifood system. This under-scores that part of what gives food sovereignty its transformative potential is its dual focus on dismantling the structures fostering injustice in the food system while at the same time striving to build viable alternatives. Arguably one cannot come before the other, or without the other, as the persistence of dominant structures will serve as an impediment to the full operationali-zation and scaling of alternatives, at the same time that if these structures are to be dismantled, something must be there to replace them. These dual processes are inherently relational, each shaping and shaped by the other in attempts to construct food sovereignty. From this standpoint, an additional framework of the dialectics of building and dismantling in food sovereignty con-struction is put forward as a springboard into further inquiry. Additionally, this study has sought to advance forms of co-generation of transformation-al knowledge bridging the traditional divide of scholarship and activism, while pointing to the need for further and deeper work in this area.

Стаття присвячена вивченню дискурсивних практик заперечення в міжкультурній комунікації як різновид дискурсивної соціальної практики. Багатосторонній характер міжкультурної комунікації визначає комплексність проблем вивчення міжкультурного спілкування з точки зору культурології, лінгвістики, соціології, філософії, етнології, прагматики, теорії масової комунікації, політології та державного управління. Дослідження прагматичного аспекту міжкультурної комунікації є актуальним з точки зору комплексного підходу, що сприяє виявленню картини світу народу, його способу життя, а соціокультурна обумовленість мови дозволяє встановити факти культури народу, що в міжкультурному діалозі сприяє кращому взаєморозумінню. У статті зазначено, що є істотна відмінність між соціокультурним простором та часом й мультикультурним простором.З нашої точки зору, сучасна ситуація вимагає розробки нових стратегій міжкультурних комунікацій, орієнтованих на активізацію не лише національно-культурних потенціалів суспільства, але й ментальних, духовних внутрішньо особистісних ресурсів кожної людини. ; Статья посвящена изучению дискурсивных практик межкультурной коммуникации как разновидность дискурсивной социальной практики. Многосторонний характер межкультурной коммуникации определяет комплексность проблем изучения межкультурного общения с точки зрения культурологии, лингвистики, социологии, философии, этнологии, прагматики, теории массовой коммуникации, политологии и государственного управления. Исследование прагматического аспекта межкультурной коммуникации является актуальным с точки зрения комплексного подхода, способствует выявлению картины мира народа, его образа жизни, а социокультурная обусловленность языка позволяет установить факты культуры народа, в межкультурном диалоге способствует лучшему взаимопониманию. В статье отмечено, что есть существенное различие между социокультурным пространством и временем и мультикультурным пространством.С нашей точки зрения, современная ситуация требует разработки новых стратегий межкультурных коммуникаций, ориентированных на активизацию не только национально-культурных потенциалов общества, но и ментальных, духовных внутренне личностных ресурсов каждого человека. ; The article is devoted to the study of discursive practices of denial in intercultural communication as a kind of discursive social practice. The multidimensional nature of intercultural communication determines the complexity of the problems of studying intercultural communication from the point of view of culture studies, linguistics, sociology, philosophy, ethnology, pragmatics, the theory of mass communication, political science and public administration. The study of the pragmatic aspect of intercultural communication is relevant from the point of view of the integrated approach that helps to reveal the picture of the world of the people, its way of life, and the socio-cultural conditionality of the language allows us to establish the facts of the culture of the people, which contributes to better mutual understanding in the intercultural dialogue. The article noted that there is a significant difference between sociocultural space and time and multicultural space.From our point of view, the current situation of the development of new strategies of cultural communities that are active in activism is not deprived of the national and cultural potential of the society, a lot of mental and spiritual growth, and there is no new pattern of new growth.

Montserrat Sagot (Costa Rica) is a Doctor in Sociology specialized in Gender and Bachelor in Anthropology. She has extensive experience at the University of Costa Rica, where she has served as Dean, Vice-Dean, Director of the Regional Master's Degree in Women's Studies, Director of the University Council. She is the author of a great diversity of publications and research related mainly to the diverse forms of violence against women, femicides and feminist movements. She articulates her academic work with the creation and organization of the first self-help groups for battered women in one of the historical feminist organizations of Costa Rica and Central America: CEFEMINA (Centro Feminista de Información y Acción), founded in 1980.The conversation we had with Montserrat Sagot took place within the framework of the III Seminar-Workshop "Women and Cities. (In)justicias territoriales", organized by CISCSA, Articulación Feminista Marcosur and FemGeS. In this space where several organizations and territorial collectives from different cities in Argentina and other Latin American countries converged, Sagot gave the conference "Feminist Political Action in the New Contexts: Limits and Possibilities". Faced with the scenario of the neoliberal and conservative reaction that our region is going through, we proposed to Montserrat to talk about the challenges faced by feminisms and sexual dissidence activisms. ; Montserrat Sagot (Costa Rica) es Doctora en Sociología especializada en Género y Licenciada en Antropología. Cuenta con una amplia experiencia en la Universidad de Costa Rica, donde se ha desempeñado como Decana, Vicedecana, Directora de la Maestría Regional en Estudios de la Mujer, Directora del Consejo Universitario. Es autora de una gran diversidad de publicaciones e investigaciones relacionadas, principalmente, con las diversas formas de violencia contra las mujeres, femicidios y movimientos feministas. Articula su trabajo académico con la creación y organización de los primeros grupos de autoayuda para mujeres maltratadas en una de las organizaciones feministas histórica de Costa Rica y América Central: CEFEMINA (Centro Feminista de Información y Acción), fundada en 1980.La conversación que mantuvimos con Montserrat Sagot se produjo en el marco del III Seminario -Taller "Mujeres y ciudades. (In)justicias territoriales", organizado por CISCSA, Articulación Feminista Marcosur y FemGeS. En este espacio en que confluyeron diversas organizaciones y colectivas territoriales de distintas ciudades de Argentina y de otros países latinoamericanos, Sagot brindó la conferencia "La acción política feminista en los nuevos contextos: límites y posibilidades". Ante el escenario de la reacción neoliberal y conservadora que atraviesa nuestra región, le propusimos a Montserrat conversar sobre los desafíos que afrontan los feminismos y los activismos de la disidencia sexual.

Bu tez çalışmasında küresel sivil toplum kavramı ve olanakları sorunsallaştırılıp Antonio Gramsci'nin teorik çerçevesi bağlamında araştırılmıştır. Gramsci'ye göre sivil toplum kapitalist hakim sınıfın değerlerini ve pratiklerini toplumun diğer kesimleri tarafından rıza ile kabul edilmesini sağlayacak alandır. Sivil toplum hegemonyanın üretildiği ve onay verildiği alan olduğu gibi diyalektik olarak içerisinde karşı hegemonik olasılıkları barındırır. Var olan hegemonyanın neden olduğu her sorun ya da kriz karşı hegemonyanın doğmasını sağlar. Kapitalizmin küresel dünya düzeni haline gelmesinin politik yaklaşımı olan neoliberalizm ile sivil toplum da küreselleşmiştir. Küresel sivil toplum bir söylem ya da ortaya atılmış bir kavram olmayıp sosyal hareketler ve hükümet dışı örgütlerin çoğalması ile somutlaşan, gözlenebilen bir olgudur. Küresel sivil toplumun hegemonik neoliberal küresel düzenin rıza üretimini sağlayan ve diyalektik süreçte neoliberalizmin neden olduğu sorunlara karşı çeşitli hareketler ve örgütlenmelerle görünür olan karşı hegemonya olanaklarının ortaya çıktığı alan olduğu varsayılmıştır. Bu bağlamda küresel sivil toplumun olanakları olarak kavramsallaştırılan hegemonya ve karşı hegemonya oluşumunu ve nasıl gerçekleştiğini anlamak için Uluslararası Af Örgütü araştırılmıştır. Yapılan veri ve söylem analizi sonucunda Uluslararası Af Örgütü küresel sivil toplumun bir örneği olarak değerlendirilmiştir. Hegemonik yapıda meşru bir örgüt olarak karşı hegemonik özellikler gösteren bir aktivizm yürüttüğü tespit edilmiştir. ; In this thesis, the global civil society concept and opportunities have been problematized and investigated in the context of Antonio Gramsci's theoretical framework. According to Gramsci, civil society is the area that provides the acceptance of the values and practices of the capitalist dominant class by the consent of the sections of society. Civil society is the area where hegemony is produced and approved as well as includes dialectical counter-hegemonic possibilities. Every problem or crisis caused by the existing hegemony provides the emergence of counter-hegemony. Neoliberalism, which is the political approach of capitalism to become a global world order, has been globalized in civil society. Global civil society is not a discourse or a concept, but an observable phenomenon embodied by social movements and the proliferation of non-governmental organizations. It has been assumed that global civil society is the emerged area which provides production of consent of the hegemonic neoliberal global order and the opportunity of counter-hegemony which is visible through various movements and organizations against the problems caused by neoliberalism in the dialectic process. In this context, Amnesty International has been researched to understand how hegemony and counter-hegemony are conceptualized as the opportunities of global civil society. As a result of data and discourse analysis, Amnesty International is considered as an example of global civil society. It has been determined that Amnesty International maintains an activism with counter-hegemonic characteristics as a legitimate organization in the hegemonic structure.

Стаття присвячена вивченню дискурсивних практик заперечення в міжкультурній комунікації як різновид дискурсивної соціальної практики. Багатосторонній характер міжкультурної комунікації визначає комплексність проблем вивчення міжкультурного спілкування з точки зору культурології, лінгвістики, соціології, філософії, етнології, прагматики, теорії масової комунікації, політології та державного управління. Дослідження прагматичного аспекту міжкультурної комунікації є актуальним з точки зору комплексного підходу, що сприяє виявленню картини світу народу, його способу життя, а соціокультурна обумовленість мови дозволяє встановити факти культури народу, що в міжкультурному діалозі сприяє кращому взаєморозумінню. У статті зазначено, що є істотна відмінність між соціокультурним простором та часом й мультикультурним простором.З нашої точки зору, сучасна ситуація вимагає розробки нових стратегій міжкультурних комунікацій, орієнтованих на активізацію не лише національно-культурних потенціалів суспільства, але й ментальних, духовних внутрішньо особистісних ресурсів кожної людини. ; Статья посвящена изучению дискурсивных практик межкультурной коммуникации как разновидность дискурсивной социальной практики. Многосторонний характер межкультурной коммуникации определяет комплексность проблем изучения межкультурного общения с точки зрения культурологии, лингвистики, социологии, философии, этнологии, прагматики, теории массовой коммуникации, политологии и государственного управления. Исследование прагматического аспекта межкультурной коммуникации является актуальным с точки зрения комплексного подхода, способствует выявлению картины мира народа, его образа жизни, а социокультурная обусловленность языка позволяет установить факты культуры народа, в межкультурном диалоге способствует лучшему взаимопониманию. В статье отмечено, что есть существенное различие между социокультурным пространством и временем и мультикультурным пространством.С нашей точки зрения, современная ситуация требует разработки новых стратегий межкультурных коммуникаций, ориентированных на активизацию не только национально-культурных потенциалов общества, но и ментальных, духовных внутренне личностных ресурсов каждого человека. ; The article is devoted to the study of discursive practices of denial in intercultural communication as a kind of discursive social practice. The multidimensional nature of intercultural communication determines the complexity of the problems of studying intercultural communication from the point of view of culture studies, linguistics, sociology, philosophy, ethnology, pragmatics, the theory of mass communication, political science and public administration. The study of the pragmatic aspect of intercultural communication is relevant from the point of view of the integrated approach that helps to reveal the picture of the world of the people, its way of life, and the socio-cultural conditionality of the language allows us to establish the facts of the culture of the people, which contributes to better mutual understanding in the intercultural dialogue. The article noted that there is a significant difference between sociocultural space and time and multicultural space.From our point of view, the current situation of the development of new strategies of cultural communities that are active in activism is not deprived of the national and cultural potential of the society, a lot of mental and spiritual growth, and there is no new pattern of new growth.