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Este artículo versa sobre el papel de la Unión Europea (UE) en las elecciones generales en España. Emplea los siguientes materiales: la base de datos del Manifesto Project, los programas de los partidos que obtuvieron representación en los comicios de 2011, así como, también para 2011, la transcripción del único debate televisado y las cuentas en la red social twitter de los candidatos a la Presidencia del Gobierno del Partido Popular y del Partido Socialista. La metodología empleada es el análisis de contenido. Los datos confirman las expectativas derivadas de la teoría de la importancia (saliency theory). Los partidos españoles han desenfatizado los asuntos de la UE, incluso en 2011, cuando medidas impulsadas por el gobierno anterior, incluida una reforma constitucional, fruto de decisiones adoptadas a escala europea, motivaron la convocatoria anticipada de elecciones. La evolución del énfasis y posición sobre la UE de los partidos españoles contrasta con los cambios observados en estas variables en otros Estados miembros como Francia o Italia. Los hallazgos de esta investigación tienen implicaciones desde el punto de vista de la legitimidad democrática de la UE en España ; This article deals with the role of the EU as an issue in Spanish electoral competition from the accession of this country to the European Community in 1986, as well as the role of the different EU issues in the 2011 Spanish general election. For the analysis of the entire period 1986-2011, MARPOR´s dataset is employed. Regarding the 2011 election, the raw programs of the parties that obtained representation in the Congreso de los Diputados, the only televised debate, and the twitter accounts of the two main parties´ candidates for the Presidency of the Government were used. The methodology is content analysis. Empirical evidence confi rms saliency theory´s expectations. Spanish parties don´t put emphasis on EU affairs, indeed in 2011, that was an early election called as a result of certain unpopular measures, including a constitutional ...

The advance of populist parties in the European Union can be interpreted as the sign of an expanding "frustration" about representation in a political sphere oppressed by economic austerity. In this context, the modern philosophical roots of an alternative conception of democracy, based on direct participation, appear to be worth of a careful scrutiny. This paper focuses on the notion of the General Will as described in The Social Contract. After a critical review of the antithetical conceptions of the General Will suggested by Rousseau, a coherent interpretation is proposed, obtained through an analysis of the text taken as a "self- -sufficient" unity: the General Will is pure "ambition" for an unknown common good, shared by all the members of a political community. However, it is argued that the participatory "machinery" of General Will is fundamentally incapable of resolving three serious problems that undermine the foundations of Rousseau's ideal "République", namely, 1. How the citizens can identify the common good without errors; 2. How the citizens can develop an ethical dimension by themselves, without any external influence; 3. How single individuals, seen not as active citizens but as passive subjects of the State, can protect themselves from the abuses of power. ; Arkadiusz Nyzio

The "non-aligned movement" was a unique phenomenon in the history of decolonization, of South-South cooperation, of the Cold War, and of the North-South conflict. Several Asian, African, and Latin American nations banded together to add additional weight to their common interests. Jürgen Dinkel analyzes the history of the entire movement as a response by the "global South" to the transformation of international relations in the 20th century

Frontmatter -- Inhalt -- Abbildungs- und Tabellenverzeichnis -- I. Einleitung -- II. Zeitnormen der Kolonialideologie -- III. Die Weltzeitordnung und das imperiale Raum-Zeit-Gefüge -- IV. Das kolonialstaatliche Raum-Zeit-Gefüge -- V. Weltzeitnorm und uhrzeitspezifische Handlungsgesellschaften -- VI. Arbeits- und zeitspezifische Ordnungspolitiken des Kolonialstaates -- VII. Zeitspezifische Ordnungspolitiken und Handlungspraxen der urbanen Gesellschaft -- VIII. Abschließende Bemerkungen -- IX. Anhang -- X. Quellen- und Literaturverzeichnis

Frontmatter -- Inhalt -- Abbildungs- und Tabellenverzeichnis -- I. Einleitung -- II. Zeitnormen der Kolonialideologie -- III. Die Weltzeitordnung und das imperiale Raum-Zeit-Gefüge -- IV. Das kolonialstaatliche Raum-Zeit-Gefüge -- V. Weltzeitnorm und uhrzeitspezifische Handlungsgesellschaften -- VI. Arbeits- und zeitspezifische Ordnungspolitiken des Kolonialstaates -- VII. Zeitspezifische Ordnungspolitiken und Handlungspraxen der urbanen Gesellschaft -- VIII. Abschließende Bemerkungen -- IX. Anhang -- X. Quellen- und Literaturverzeichnis

The second volume of The Cambridge Economic History of Europe, first published in 1952, was a survey by an international group of specialist scholars covering trade and industry in pre-Roman, Roman and Byzantine Europe, the medieval trade of northern and southern Europe, and the histories of medieval woollen manufacture, mining and metallurgy, and building in stone. This second edition, in addition to revising most chapters and the bibliographies appended to them, also fills gaps which arose from the wartime and post-war circumstances in which the first edition was written. New chapters provide accounts of the trade and industry of eastern Europe, of medieval Europe's trade with Asia and Africa, and of medieval coinage and currency. Taken with volumes I and III of the series, this volume is designed to complete a comprehensive review of the economic history of medieval Europe as a whole. It was planned by the late Sir Michael Postan, and was largely completed under his editorship