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This article focuses on Nietzsche's Beyond Good and Evil, paying particular attention to the sixth chapter, "We Scholars" in an effort to more fully understand Nietzsche's political critique of modern science. Nietzsche's basic tenet -- that democratic thinkers such as scientists & scholars are inspired by democratic principles -- is analyzed. It is argued that though Nietzsche believes in the virtuous scholar, he also believes that these virtues are similar to those possessed by the "conscientious worker." Likewise, Nietzsche argues that "egalitarian resentment" motivates most scholarship. Even in the best possible scenario, where a scholar is motivated by intellectual integrity, Nietzsche contends that modern science continues to be based on faith rather than knowledge. The article concludes that postmodern critics of science would do well to review Nietzsche's political critique -- a critique that in many ways challenges their own views. 32 References. K. A. Larsen

This article seeks to identify, map, and understand a set of institutions – understood as values, beliefs, and parameters – that structure the scientific knowledge in political science over the past 20 years. Its basic purpose is to map the "fundamental" values that had produced a new paradigm for academic production in the contemporary political science. The central argument of the paper is that Political Science is moving throughout a methodological transformation in which causal inference is pursued by means of several research design types, condition I named as inferential pluralism.

The present study uses qualitative and quantitative methods to examine whether homeschooled youth in the largely urbanized social context of Israel differ in their level of civic engagement and social self-efficacy from that of their peers educated at school. Participants completed quantitative questionnaires on civic engagement and social self-efficacy and two personal questionnaires, one quantitative and one qualitative, pertaining to their opinions on various modes of education. No significant differences were found between the degree of civic engagement and sense of social self-efficacy among the two groups. However, within the homeschooling group, social self-efficacy decreased as the number of years they were schooled at home increased, indicating potential negative impact of extended homeschooling. The qualitative study gives insights into attitudes of youth from both groups regarding various modes of education. The findings are discussed in the context of the ongoing debate regarding the pros and cons of homeschooling.

Актуальность темы исследования в настоящее время определяется тем фактом, что электронное пространство, по большей части, является повторением реальной политики, что свидетельствует о том, что интернет-технологии глубоко укоренились в политической жизни общества. Целью данной работы было выяснение особенностей информационных технологий (ИТ) и их места в современном политическом процессе на примере Казахстана. Доказано, что Интернет является жизненно важной частью любого общества, особенно демократического, где он выполняет функции социальных, экономических и политических институтов. В этой статье приводится обоснование важности информационных технологий в политической жизни общества. Особое внимание уделяется усилению их влияния при принятии важных политических решений. В данном исследовании также приведены примеры использования информационных технологий в современных политических процессах. Детальный анализ теоретических концепций, их интерпретация применительно к Казахстану, детальное изучение моделей медиаполитики открывает возможности и перспективы для новых научных исследований процессов трансформации и модернизации информационных технологий в политическом процессе.

This article advances a novel theoretical account of what a "method" is and what makes one "rigorous," and shows how it could advance contemporary debates in political theory and empirical methodology. Plato's Socrates invented the notion of method, and his characteristic practice of immanent refutation through questioning escapes key problems in more familiar views. Socratic method is (1) antifoundational, (2) non-algorithmic, and (3) indirect and relative to competing hypotheses, and it (4) develops its own standards of objectivity from the logic of asking questions. The article reconstructs Socrates' method from the Platonic texts and shows how it provides reasonable criteria for judgment while remaining critical, sensitive to difference, and open to innovation. Socratic method avoids a forced choice between universalism and particularism in political theory, and it provides a common language for evaluating both quantitative and qualitative methods by drawing out a critical logic of empirical inquiry shared by both.

I review the respective claims of Frost, Mayall and Rengger about the normative benefits of knowledge of tragedy and the potential of global civil society to transform the international system. I argue that Thucydides and Morgenthau were more optimistic about the ability of human beings to learn from art, history and experience. They believed – as do I – that tragedy is part and parcel of the human condition, and will always be with us for the reasons Frost so effectively summarizes. This does not preclude significant improvements in human rights and conflict management at the domestic and international levels. Pessimistic outlooks on such prospects are all too readily made self-fulfilling, so it is important that we commit ourselves to this goal independently of our estimates ofultimate success. These expectations, and our behavior, should nevertheless be tempered by sensitivity to the causes and consequences of tragedy.