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AbstractFiscal austerity is a policy characteristic of governments that adhere to conservative economic ideologies. In recent decades, however, especially after the 2009 Eurozone Crisis, leftist and left-centre coalition governments have also adopted austerity policies. While it is documented that fiscal austerity incurs electoral costs upon incumbent governments and these costs depend on their partisanship, whether and how the partisanship of the incumbent government affects the pattern of protest movements remains unknown. In this paper, I hypothesized that fiscal austerity by leftist governments, through adding a 'premium' to public grievances and demining citizens' utility of electoral participation, results in a higher likelihood of protest movements than fiscal austerity implemented by right-dominant governments. I supported this hypothesis by analysing panel data for 37 developed countries between 1973 and 2015. Besides, the partisan-pronounced effects on the protest likelihood are observed particularly for non-violent protests such as demonstrations and strikes and for the post-2000 era.

Discusses the importance of Bayard Rustin to the African American protest movement, reviewing Rustin's involvement with the activist March on Washington movement, the pacifist Fellowship of Reconciliation organization, & Rustin's influence over Martin Luther King's adoption of pacifism. Rather than challenging racial hegemony throughout the US, the 1963 March on Washington, identified as the apex of the African American protest movement & organized under the leadership of Rustin, is most remembered for the promulgation of coalition politics. Rustin's subsequent emergence as a political leader & the transformation in his political agenda are discussed in the contexts of the 1964 Democratic National Convention; his essay, "From Protest to Politics" (1965); & his support for the Lyndon B. Johnson administration's Vietnam policy; Rustin's humanitarian & pacifist objectives & his emphasis on class injustice best explains the transformation in his political agenda. It is concluded that Rustin's substitution of politics for protest threatened the entire African American protest movement. J. W. Parker

Revolutions, revolts and protest movements are viewed in the study of politics as belonging together because they take place outside political institutions and, through collective action, involve mobilisation against established practices and the values lying behind them. As the wide variety of cases covered in the four books reviewed show, however, the differences between these revolutionary and protest actions are also striking. These books show that, if carefully chosen, a great deal can be learned from the detailed study of cases about protest movements mobilising both within and across borders and that it furthers our understanding of social movements. Highly valuable lessons on the role of violence in politics are also learned from the studies of revolts and revolutions. Looked at critically, however, the books show that the differences between violence and terror should not be overlooked and that important factors such as ideology can be missed.

The Social Justice Protest movement in 2011 was the largest social movement in Israel's history. The movement received media coverage for almost two months and in all news outlets, despite the protest's broad demands and its overall radical indictment against the economic system and the status quo. This study explores the causes for this extraordinary media coverage. We find that movement characteristics of the leadership's professional background, the media strategies they employed, and the effects of mainstream channels on media tactics were important. We also find that journalists' personal identification with the movement is a key factor leading to the wide and favorable media coverage. Personal identification led many journalists to report favorably on the movement and write supportive opinion columns, to ignore stories that could damage it, to participate and volunteer in movement activities, and to offer their professional skills to help the movement leadership. We propose a tentative model consisting of factors and mechanisms that may explain when personal identification and journalistic activism are more likely to occur.