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This article uses the Domestic Structures and European Integration (DOSEI) data set of actors' preferences on 65 issues in the 2003-4 Intergovernmental Conference to extract the underlying preferences of the governments, the Commission and the European Parliament on the main dimensions of conflict in the European Union's constitutional negotiations. The analysis starts by comparing the ideal point estimates produced by three 'inductive' techniques: exploratory factor analysis, NOMINATE and Optimal Classification. The results are a series of ideal point estimates that do not correlate well with some simple a priori assumptions about key actors' positions on the reform of the EU. The analysis then proceeds with a 'mixed' deductive/inductive method, in which responses to the survey questions relating to the two exogenous dimensions of constitutional design in a multi-level polity (the 'vertical' and 'horizontal' allocation of power) are used to generate ideal point estimates on these two dimensions. The result is a more intuitive set of ideal point estimates for the 28 main actors in the negotiations.

This book offers a comprehensive comparative overview of the development, structure, and policies of trade unions in all the 27 Member States of the EU from 2000 to 2020. It presents an in-depth analysis of the neoliberal challenges facing these organizations and their strategic and policy responses.

Machine generated contents note: -- 1. Introduction: the Pursuit of Social Europe in the face of the European crisis; Amandine Crespy and Georg Menz -- 2. Social Europe and the Eurozone crisis: the Importance of the Balance of Class Power in Society; Andreas Bieler -- 3. Collapsing New Buildings: The Three-Pronged Attack on European Social Policy; Georg Menz -- 4. Social Europe and Scandinavia: Direct and Indirect Pressure on Former Role Models; Mikkel Mailand -- 5. Euro-unionism and Wage Policy; Anne Dufresne -- 6. The Vanishing Promise of a More 'Social' Europe: public services before and after the debt crisis; Amandine Crespy -- 7. The Europe 2020 Poverty Target and Economic Governance; Paul Copeland and Mary Daly -- 8. A Multi-Layered Social Europe? Three Emerging Transnational Social Duties in the EU; Ben Crum -- 9. Conclusions; Amandine Crespy and Georg Menz

Since the introduction of the co-decision legislative procedure, the EU has had the possibility to resort to a Conciliation Committee made up of representatives from the European Parliament and the Council to reconcile differences between the two bodies. This article assesses whether the members of this committee have an incentive to take advantage of their ability to present take-it-or-leave-it offers to their parent bodies by examining whether they are representative of their full body and/or whether they represent other interests inside or outside their legislative body. It concludes that the EU Conciliation Committee is generally representative of its parent bodies and that the option to go to conciliation is not a risky tool for them to reach agreement.

This article assesses the relationship between money, collective identity, and European integration. The recent move of the European Union (EU) toward a common currency – the euro – seems to contradict the conventional 'one nation/one money' assumption about the association between states, territory and money creation. However, from a broad macro-historical perspective, the process of European monetary unification is not as exceptional and unique as it is often made out to be. I argue that the relationship between money and collective identity is reciprocal. On the one hand, money is a purposeful political tool in the construction of identities. On the other hand, in order to function properly, money requires some degree of collective identity among its users. Thus, the article examines the role of the euro as part of an explicit project to facilitate the development of a European identity as well as the required level of European identity necessary for a successful functioning of the euro. The key identity aspect at stake in the relationship between money and identity is not an affective relationship between citizens and country, but rather a relationship of trust. During the process of modernisation, trust has become rather abstract and institutionalised. To support a modern relationship of trust, identity does not have to rest on deep affective feelings of belonging. Diffuse identity, based on utilitarian or contractual factors and as part of evolving hybrid identity structures, is sufficient.

This book offers a comprehensive analysis of the determinants of EU support between 2006 and 2015, and of electoral behavior during the European Parliament elections. In light of the Eurozone financial and debt crisis, it also examines how political and economic turbulences have affected EU citizens' stance on democracy and their support for EU institutions. It explores measures taken in the context of the Euro crisis management and the reactions of EU citizens, in order to shed new light on the determinants and developments of EU support. The author highlights the heterogeneity of the developments between the member states and identifies social, political, and economic facets of the crisis that have changed the ways citizens form their political attitudes towards the EU. The book delivers a profound account of the Euro crisis, integrating approaches from political economy, psychology, sociology, and public opinion research. It will appeal to scholars and anyone interested in learning more about the declining citizen support in the EU and the heterogeneous developments in the member states, which may significantly endanger the long-term existence of the European Union

Cover -- Half Title -- Series -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Figures -- Tables -- Acknowledgements -- 1 Introduction -- 2 The context: The history of free movement in Europe -- 3 Conceptual framework and methodology -- 4 Agreement dimension: Emphasis on common duties -- 5 Community dimension: Reproducing the community of the European Union -- 6 Utility dimension: Optimizing concrete benefits -- 7 Solidarity dimension: Solidarity as the ultimate aim -- 8 Setting the scene: Migration policy histories of the analysed countries -- 9 Free movement discourses by country -- 10 Free movement discourses as practical reasoning -- Appendix -- Notes -- 1 Introduction -- 2 The context: The history of free movement in Europe -- 3 Conceptual framework and methodology -- 4 Agreement dimension: Emphasis on common duties -- 5 Community dimension: Reproducing the community of the European Union -- 6 Utility dimension: Optimizing concrete benefits -- 7 Solidarity dimension: Solidarity as the ultimate aim -- 8 Setting the scene: Migration policy histories of the analysed countries -- 10 Free movement discourses as practical reasoning -- Appendix -- Bibliography -- Index.

Supranationalist and liberal‐intergovernmentalist theoretical accounts of European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) largely ignore geopolitical factors. This article argues that geopolitical factors are of vital importance for explaining and understanding EMU. It does this by examining the role of such factors at five crucial moments of the EMU process: (1) the launching of EMU in 1988–89; (2) the uncertain year following the opening of the Berlin Wall in November 1989; (3) the final decisions on EMU taken at the December 1991 Maastricht summit; (4) the ratification and currency crises of 1992–93; and (5) the efforts to implement EMU after the treaty's final ratification in October 1993. A focus on geopolitics, it is argued, fits within a historical‐institutionalist account of European integration.

Competition Law has proved to be a dynamic legal institute of great economic, legal and social significance. Indeed, the over-all positive effect this institute has had in the United States of America since the Sherman Act (1890), and in Europe since the Treaty of Rome (1957), is plainly manifest. Other contending economic strategies have in the long run proved to be inconsequential. Fair Competition is paradoxically dominating the economic environment, at least, in democracies. Like all other legal institutes, this too naturally directly effects the well being of those falling within this regimen. Strategists therefore, have to be quite alert to avoid situations that rather than leading to the intended positive effects advocated by academic analysis instead lead in the opposite direction to the detriment of those that have to bear its weight. The emphasis within the European Community for prospective Member States to adopt this legal regime in their legal order has therefore to be treated with great circumspection. The pre-accession period does not consequentially necessitate a period of mere structural readjustment. It also demands a period of deep reflection for the redefinition and proper assimilation of the delicate issues involved. ; peer-reviewed