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A new, scientifically grounded periodization of V. Lypynskyi's political philosophy is suggested. Interpretation of the debating historiographic problem of evolution and sustainability in political views of the outstanding Ukrainian personality of Polish origin has been given

This article develops the concept of affinity as one means available in understanding how citizens make, or fail to make, connections with politics and politicians. It is argued that the disappearance of class from much political discourse has led to more emotional ways of relating to politics. We claim that the reflexivity involved in political deliberation must take account of people's emotional responses to the political. We argue that one key element in these emotional responses is a feeling, or lack of feeling, of affinity. We propose that citizens often use feelings of likeness in their (dis)engagement with politicians, policies and parties. Understanding the emotional aspects of political (dis)engagement in this way is crucial in dealing with concerns about widespread disengagement from, and dissatisfaction with, electoral politics.

Robert Penn Warren's All the King's Men is a political novel that deserves the serious study of political scientists interested in understanding the formative effects of American democracy. A careful reading of the novel that is informed by the classical approach to the analysis of regimes reveals the close connection between the politics of Willie Stark & the politics of modern American democracy. Furthermore, by viewing Stark's actions through the eyes of Jack Burden, a perceptive narrator who is moving toward self-knowledge, we can gain insight into both why modern democracies encourage the formation of a debilitating nihilism among their citizens & the prospects for countering these effects. 44 References. Adapted from the source document.

Prathama Banerjee, Elementary Aspects of the Political: Histories from the Global South. Hyderabad: Orient BlackSwan, 2021. 284 pp., ₹625, ISBN: 9789354420023.

Tarini Bedi, The Dashing Ladies of Shiv Sena: Political Matronage in Urbanizing India. New Delhi: Aleph Book Company. 2016. 291 pages. ₹699.

The Boy Who Would Be Premier: A Political Biography of Jack Duggan. Volume 1. By Maurice French (Tabletop Publishing, Toowoomba, 2016).

Lang reviews 'The Military Factor in Social Change,' 'From Provincial to Political Society' and 'The State as Revolution,' all by Henry Barbera.

Tribunals, public inquiries and similar institutions, increasingly common in the political culture of the United Kingdom, the European Union, and in America, can be seen as exemplifying the auto-correcting, self-reflexive capacity of political institutions in information-rich and communicatively fluent societies. They represent the modernization of political culture guided by communicative rationality, paralleling the accelerated modernization of globalization. This view is elaborated and modified by an interpretation based on a philosophy of history as recurrence or "metempsychosis" (Nietzsche, Vico, Joyce) and the mythic figure of Trickster as formulated in anthropology and psychoanalysis (Radin, Hyde, Jung). Specifically, the political culture of globalization is cast in terms of the reconfiguration of the archaic and an intensification of myth (Benjamin). An examination of the ongoing Tribunal of Inquiry into Payments to Politicians in Ireland shows how tribunals are theaters in which the politician appears as a recurrence of a Trickster archetype adept at negotiating and playing this liminal and changing context. Tribunals struggle not so much to eradicate and replace Trickster by systems of formal rationality, but to redeem his vital energy and creativity.

»The people« (Volk) and its constitutions actually seem more than questionable: on the one hand nothing is more dubious than the historical conditions and possibilities of this political subject, which pretends its being in so many places; on the other hand »the people« is invented, constructed, fictionalized, homogenized, imagined and moreover, a supposed substance of »the people« is implored or rejected by attributions. Thus it is this object - »the people« and its creation (production) - which requires an exposition. This article deals with the political subject of »the people« in the specific forms and structures of its appearance and analyzes its historical and epistemological genealogy in the 19thConceptions of natural law tried to show that »the people« is still in the state of nature (Sieyes). But they also evoked »the people« as a population and hence as a technological and administrative object. Following this the transformations of those discourses that aim at a possible unity of »the people« have to be introduced. For the main question is: Which part of »the people« presents itself and which part is represented? Thus the constitution and structure of political subjects will be stressed in relation to creation (production) and representation, by examining the most important discursive strategies in the archive of the 19th century. ; »The people« (Volk) and its constitutions actually seem more than questionable: on the one hand nothing is more dubious than the historical conditions and possibilities of this political subject, which pretends its being in so many places; on the other hand »the people« is invented, constructed, fictionalized, homogenized, imagined and moreover, a supposed substance of »the people« is implored or rejected by attributions. Thus it is this object - »the people« and its creation (production) - which requires an exposition. This article deals with the political subject of »the people« in the specific forms and structures of its appearance and analyzes its historical and epistemological genealogy in the 19thConceptions of natural law tried to show that »the people« is still in the state of nature (Sieyes). But they also evoked »the people« as a population and hence as a technological and administrative object. Following this the transformations of those discourses that aim at a possible unity of »the people« have to be introduced. For the main question is: Which part of »the people« presents itself and which part is represented? Thus the constitution and structure of political subjects will be stressed in relation to creation (production) and representation, by examining the most important discursive strategies in the archive of the 19th century.

AbstractIn recent years, the EU's ability to mobilize European citizens in its favor and counteract such phenomena as nationalism, populism, and "sovereignism" has significantly decreased. Consequently, the suggestion has been made that the EU's social dimension should be enhanced and its citizenship be made more salient in that regard. Such a suggestion has become even more topical after the COVID‐19 outbreak and the strain it has placed on the health‐care systems and economies of EU member states. Starting from a debate which addresses that suggestion, in this article I argue that, before attempting to enhance its social dimension, the EU should first try to strengthen its still weak political foundations in order to cope with its predicament. The article also shows that this move would be consistent with the rationale behind the European integration process, where economic issues were originally regarded as only means to achieve an ever‐closer political union.Related ArticlesBarrault‐Stella, Lorenzo, and Thomas Douniès. 2021. "Introduction to the Special Issue: Citizenship as a Tool of Government in Europe." Politics & Policy 49(4): 824–41. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12423.Ewert, Benjamin. 2021. "Citizenship as a Form of Anticipatory Obedience? Implications of Preventive Health Policy in Germany." Politics & Policy 49(4): 891–912. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12421.McBeth, Mark K., Donna L. Lybecker, and Kacee A. Garner. 2010. "The Story of Good Citizenship: Framing Public Policy in the Context of Duty‐Based versus Engaged Citizenship." Politics & Policy 38(1): 1–23. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00226.x.

Infrastructure is critical to the ways in which urban inequality is produced and experienced. Across US post-industrial contexts urban infrastructures are decaying causing problems to the capacity of various systems to deliver essential resource flows for social reproduction. This paper examines the US pipeline crisis to understand why, how and with what effects infrastructure has undergone a process of physical decay, concentrated across inner-city areas. It uses a case study of Camden, New Jersey, a poor city in which infrastructure has undergone decades of neglect, privatization and under-maintenance. This decay has created difficulties in sustaining a safe, universal and fully-functioning infrastructure. To understand these dynamics, the paper advances an urban political ecology approach (UPE) to examining these infrastructural geographies. It makes three key contributions. Firstly, it considers how to conceptualise decay and its effect on the urban circulations that have been enabled/disabled by infrastructure through the notion of unbounding. Second, given the highly segregated infrastructural experiences between a black city and white suburbs the paper draws on recent geographic scholarship on racial capitalism, emphasizing the role of race in the governing of infrastructure and in accounting for Camden's conditions of decay. Third, the paper advances a relational theorisation that draws on concepts emanating from UPE and associated research on infrastructure in cities of the global South. With the reported, widespread decay of infrastructures in global North, post-industrial contexts a relational theorisation can draw on long-established vocabularies, challenge where we locate the 'infrastructural South' and prompt new political questions.

Existing literature in International Relations has firmly established that public justifications matter in world politics. They make it possible for a range of communities -- nations, security communities, global advocacy networks and so on -- to take political action. This article aims to improve on our understanding of how communities produce such justifications. It seeks to make conceptual and methodological contributions. On the conceptual level, I contend that political judgements generate public justifications and, vice versa, that these justifications shape future judgements. I outline a three-circuit map for studying the communicative processes that link judgements and justifications. On the methodological level, I argue that what I label a structured, focused communication analysis is well suited to put the three-circuit map to use to do empirical research. I tailor the structure and focus of such an analysis to the requirements of research on public justification. [Reprinted by permission; copyright Sage Publications Ltd. & ECPR-European Consortium for Political Research.]

Issues regarding security, for a long time have been proposed, both in thescientific literature, that in the writings of popular character, without takinginto due consideration the specificity of the effects that certain threats cancause the different subjectivity or on specific groups rather than on other .In particular, very rarely takes into account the fact that, in relation to thecondition of women, we can talk, referring to certain areas or aspects of theproblem, think of the problem of violence, of a real security crisis. Thesafety cultures sedimentation processes of socialization through everydaypractices, can be considered an integral part of the internal structures ofstates. The issues relating to the in / security for women are on the agendainstitutional, only a few years, do not fall within the traditional frameworkof interventions aimed at regulating sector profiles of women, in line with avision of the subject recipient of this policy individual as "neutral." Theseare issues that today are also of inter-governmental organizations, inparticular the United Nations, a central political role with respect to theadoption of policies related to the affirmation, respect and the effectivenessof human rights and at the same time enrich and innovate in ordersubstantial guidelines and decision-making processes in the field ofsecurity. ; Issues regarding security, for a long time have been proposed, both in the scientific literature, that in the writings of popular character, without taking into due consideration the specificity of the effects that certain threats can cause the different subjectivity or on specific groups rather than on other . In particular, very rarely takes into account the fact that, in relation to the condition of women, we can talk, referring to certain areas or aspects of the problem, think of the problem of violence, of a real security crisis. The safety cultures sedimentation processes of socialization through everyday practices, can be considered an integral part of the internal structures of states. The issues relating to the in / security for women are on the agenda institutional, only a few years, do not fall within the traditional framework of interventions aimed at regulating sector profiles of women, in line with a vision of the subject recipient of this policy individual as "neutral." These are issues that today are also of inter-governmental organizations, in particular the United Nations, a central political role with respect to the adoption of policies related to the affirmation, respect and the effectiveness of human rights and at the same time enrich and innovate in order substantial guidelines and decision-making processes in the field of security.

2. Climate change and the frontiers of political ecology -- 2. Socialising climate -- 3. Making a world of adaptation -- 4. Power, inequality and relational vulnerability -- 5. Climate, capital and agrarian transformations -- 6. Pakistan : historicising adaptation in the Indus watershed -- 7. India : water, debt and distress in the Deccan Plateau -- 8. Mongolia : pastoralists, resilience and nomadic capital -- 9. Conclusion : adapting to a world of adaptation.