Religion and Migration
In: Interdisciplinary journal for religion and transformation in contemporary society Volume 3, Issue 1 (2017)
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In: Interdisciplinary journal for religion and transformation in contemporary society Volume 3, Issue 1 (2017)
In: Staat und Ordnung im konservativen Denken, p. 307-335
Hermann Lübbe wie Günter Rohrmoser sind Konservative im Sinne eines Modernitätstraditionalismus, dem es um die Bewahrung der liberalen politischen Errungenschaften der nachaufklärerischen Moderne zu tun ist. Beide vertreten die Auffassung, dass nachaufklärerische Religion nicht nur mit modernem Denken und modernen Selbstverständnissen vereinbar ist, sondern dass sie ein wichtiger und konstitutiver Faktor gerade politischer Modernität darstellt. Religion hält das Bewusstsein des Unverfügbaren wach und setzt die Menschen in ein rationales Verhältnis dazu. Dadurch entlastet sie die Politik und fördert so die öffentliche Freiheit. Der Beitrag setzt sich mit beiden Positionen auseinander und betrachtet dabei insbesondere das Verhältnis von Religion und Moderne und Religion und Konservatismus. Die einleitenden Überlegungen des Beitrags gelten zunächst dem Verhältnis der Religion zu politischen Positionen. Die anschließenden Kapitel widmen sich der Position Hermann Lübbes. Hier betrachtet der Beitrag die Funktion der Religion in der Moderne, Lübbes Konservatismus und Zivilreligion. Danach erfolgt die Auseinandersetzung mit den Positionen Günter Rohrmosers. Hier verweist der Beitrag auf das Christentum als unverzichtbares Fundament des Verfassungsstaates, geht auf Rohrmosers Konservatismus ein und widmet sich den Fragen zur Kultur der Freiheit. Der abschließende Ausblick verweist noch einmal auf die Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede der Positionen der beiden Denker. (ICA2)
In: Archives de sciences sociales des religions: ASSR, Volume 103, Issue 1, p. 153-172
ISSN: 1777-5825
The analysis represents sociological reflection about the contemporary religion and social conflicts in their most violent form. It is based upon the tragic vicissitudes of the crisis in former Yugoslavia having exploded in a cruel war. The course of events is approached as something having been easily predictable, and deeply embedded in the modern European political and social history, and, therefore, with high symptomatic relevance, to be interpreted not primarily as a kind of tail of the world of the XIXth century but as an extreme case of some current trends of wider dimensions. The war is interpreted as the almost unavoidable consequence of political strategies pursuing the same but diametrically opposed political objectives, best described by Mazzini's political formula "Every nation a state and only one state for every nation" or Gellner's sociological one "One nation, one culture, one state". Therefore, the crucial problem becomes the problem of the role of religion and churches in an area with mixed populations but dominated by opposed nationalism. The theoretical framework for interpretation of nationalist political strategies is taken from Gellner as well as from Offe. The crucial fact is that the nationalist political strategies or the ethnicification of politics have obtained not only mass support on the part of believers and belongers to the respective religious comunities but also their specific legitimacy in religious terms. Some major consequences of such a legitimization of nationalist political strategies are traced and described on three different levels and settings: a) a general level, b) a long range historical one, and c) a transitional one. The crucial conclusions arrived at are that an expected spiritual re-awakening focused upon a restoration of personal moral consciousness and renewed interest in spirituality and spiritual tradition has been practically inundated by a tidal wave of nationalization of the sacred and sacralization of the nation. Therefore, the most extensive religious revival has occured so far alongside to nationalist movements.
In: History of Humanities, Volume 9, Issue 1, p. 33-43
ISSN: 2379-3171
Christian voters strongly supported the Howard government prior to 2007, especially more devout Christians who regularly attended church services. If swinging Christian voters contributed to Howard's defeat then one of Kevin Rudd's long-term projects was
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Christian voters strongly supported the Howard government prior to 2007, especially more devout Christians who regularly attended church services. If swinging Christian voters contributed to Howard's defeat then one of Kevin Rudd's long-term projects was
BASE