Global Trade: Slowdown, Factors, and Policies
In: World Bank Research and Policy Briefs No. 123899
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In: World Bank Research and Policy Briefs No. 123899
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Entrepreneurship is one of the key drivers for development in any society. The level of awareness of individual members, of a society, of their capacity to contribute to the economic, social and political development of their society is a key factor in development. A process of creating this self-awareness and the development of individual capacity for creative and innovative thinking, decision making and action/policy implementation should be an integral constituent of what people learn in schools, colleges and universities. The ability of the educational system to provide such training for individuals depends on the availability of the requisite capacity in terms of personnel and other facilities for appropriate transfer of knowledge, skills and building of mindset. Thus, this paper focuses on ways for developing the capacity appropriate for providing entrepreneurship education at all levels of education particularly in Africa. This paper is of the view that a wholesome education integrating entrepreneurship as part of the curriculum will provide the catalytic platform for jumpstarting development in all spheres of life, particularly in the developing world. The paper tries to find out how capacity building for entrepreneurship education has been pursued with particular reference to Nigeria, and opine how best this can be achieved in the light of the perceived lack of entrepreneurial approach to doing things, including in the public service. Also, the low level of entrepreneurship education as exemplified in the number of entrepreneurship courses offered in our Higher Educational Institutions (HEIs) and the absence of entrepreneurship as courses of study that award certificates, diplomas and degrees in this part of the world are part of the factors necessitating this paper. Part of the focus of the paper also includes the possibility of inclusion of entrepreneurship in the educational curricula at all levels of education, establishing faculties of entrepreneurship studies in the colleges, polytechnics and the universities. It is obvious that these cannot be achieved without the necessary capacity in terms of personnel and other facilities that facilitate learning. Thus we are canvassing for a holistic approach to developing capacity for this, which should include training and retraining of personnel, including faculty members in the colleges, polytechnics and universities. There should also be a collaborative effort in terms of partnership with universities in the West where entrepreneurship education has taken root and are more developed. Such partnership should also include the private sector and the non-governmental organizations. The increasing economic and social challenges, especially in the developing countries, makes all this imperative.
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TPP and market access for goods / Abhijit Das, Prajyna Paramita Barua and Dilfy Ann Philip -- Services coverage in TPP, TISA, and GATS : a comparative analysis and implications for India / Pralok Gupta -- IPR and new rule-making / Chandni Raina -- Conforming India's IPR laws to the TPP's IPR standards' issues and concerns for India / Jayant Raghu Ram -- Investment protection in TPP's analysis from an Indian perspective / Shailja Singh -- Technical standards and sanitary and phytosanitary measures / R.V. Anuradha -- The labour / R.V. Anuradha -- The environment / R.V. Anuradha -- Government procurement provisions in the GPA : ceding policy space for uncertain gains / Monika and Neeraj R S -- State-owned enterprises (SOES) / Mukesh Bhatnagar -- Trade remedies, trade facilitation, and regulatory coherence under the TPP / Mukesh Bhatnagar, Monika and R.V. Anuradha -- Conclusions and way forward / Abhijit Das, Shailja Singh, and Harimaya Gurung
In: Sosyal araştırmalar ve davranış bilimleri dergisi: Journal of social research and behavioral sciences, Volume 9, Issue 20, p. 1-13
ISSN: 2149-178X
If policy analysis in education management is considered as a whole, it can be divided into parts and decomposed to understand this whole, and parts or sections are examined and details are revealed, so that the activity of having an idea about the whole can be called education policy analysis. The starting point of policy analysis in the educational process is to conceptualize the problem in order to achieve the desired goals and facilitate the determination of appropriate systems. This stage is generally related to policy problems and policy options. It is important to pay attention to the focus of policy areas in content creation, to ensure consensus to a large extent and to be meticulous on sensitive issues. In the analyses, the problem areas can be reviewed according to fairness, equality, effectiveness and ineffectiveness, quality or quantity, impact on the economy and similar issues. Policy analysis is partly descriptive. Because policy analysis is based on social and behavioral sciences that make claims about the consequences and causes of policy. But it is also normative. Normative, economic and decision analysis are also closely related to other branches of social and political philosophy and morality in order to verify and evaluate the moral values of politics and claims about expectations. This normative aspect of policy analysis is necessary. Because political knowledge allows achieving the desired results and is based on preferred forms of behavior, value judgments and processes based on morality. A policy problem is an unrealized value or, with it, the opportunity for defined development that can be achieved through public action. The knowledge that will solve the problem requires knowledge about the previous conditions of the problem (such as school safety or standard of living) as well as knowledge about the values of success that lead to the solution of the problem. Knowledge about policy problems plays a critical role in policy analysis. Because the path of the identified problem requires searching for appropriate solutions. Insufficient or incorrect information can lead to a very important error. Key Words: National Education, Education Management, Public Policy, Policy Analysis
In: Journal of current Chinese affairs, Volume 39, Issue 1, p. 37-71
ISSN: 1868-4874
This paper focuses on the changing interaction between Taiwanese entrepreneurs and local Chinese governments. Through the analysis of this changing process, it can be seen that Taiwanese businesses are a special "asset" of Chinese governments. The main argument of this paper is that both central and local governments in China have strategic considerations in respect of Taiwanese businesses. The Chinese central government values Taiwanese businesses because more Taiwanese investment in China strengthens the Beijing government in negotiations with the Taibei government. Nevertheless, since the Kuomintang (KMT) (Guomindang) regained power in 2008, the strategic value of Taiwanese businesses in the cross-Strait relationship seems to have decreased. The central government has created a profitable macro-environment enabling local officials to give a warm welcome to Taiwanese businesses. Chinese local governments value Taiwanese businessmen not only because of the central government's deliberate policy but also because they are pursuing their own self-interest. This paper firstly focuses on the changing interaction between Taiwanese businesses and Chinese local governments. It then further analyses the different but complementary interests of both central and local governments in China in relation to Taiwanese investors. (JCCA/GIGA)
World Affairs Online
Since the agreement of Berlin (March 1999), the Common Market Organisation (CMO) of milk, which was not included in the first Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) reform (1992), has been the object of an important debate by public authorities and agricultural professional organisations. The future of milk quotas and the opportunity of an institutional price decrease are two frequently investigated means. In this context, in this article we have tried, thanks to the Farm Accountancy Data Network (FADN), to report on the structural and economic diversity of French dairy farms. A method of classification is proposed which distributes dairy farms into five groups of "economic performances". The five groups are then crossed with several other parameters, such as production systems, quota level, legal status and location. For each compartment of the typology, the impact of a milk price decrease (10%) is tested. Among the 132 000 French dairy farms, 18% have a very weak level of economic performance. These units, which have an average 173 700 kg of milk quota and 8 600 Euros of family farm income, would be particularly weakened by a 10% decrease in the price of milk (-60% of the family farm income against 16% for the most successful 22 000 units). ; Ecarté de la première réforme en profondeur de la politique agricole commune au début des années 90, le secteur laitier fait l'objet, depuis l'accord de Berlin de mars 1999, d'une intense réflexion tant de la part des pouvoirs publics que des organisations professionnelles agricoles. L'avenir du mécanisme de contingentement et l'opportunité d'une baisse du prix institutionnel de certains produits laitiers sont deux voies régulièrement explorées. Dans ce contexte, l'auteur tente, sur la base du Réseau d'information comptable agricole de 1999, de rendre compte de la diversité structurelle et économique des exploitations laitières françaises et de leurs inégalités face à une baisse non compensée du prix du lait. Une méthode de classification est proposée afin de hiérarchiser les ...
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This paper explores the politics around the role of agency in the UK climate change debate. Government interventions on the demand side of consumption have increasingly involved attempts to obtain greater traction with the values, attitudes and beliefs of citizens in relation to climate change and also in terms of influencing consumer behaviour at an individual level. With figures showing that approximately 40% of the UK's carbon emissions are attributable to household and transport behaviour, policy initiatives have progressively focused on the facilitation of "sustainable behaviours". Evidence suggests however, that mobilisation of pro-environmental attitudes in addressing the perceived "value-action gap" has so far had limited success. Research in this field suggests that there is a more significant and nuanced "gap" between context and behaviour; a relationship that perhaps provides a more adroit reflection of reasons why people do not necessarily react in the way that policy-makers anticipate. Tracing the development of the UK Government's behaviour change agenda over the last decade, we posit that a core reason for the limitations of this programme relates to an excessively narrow focus on the individual. This has served to obscure some of the wider political and economic aspects of the debate in favour of a more simplified discussion. The second part of the paper reports findings from a series of focus groups exploring some of the wider political views that people hold around household energy habits, purchase and use of domestic appliances, and transport behaviour-and discusses these insights in relation to the literature on the agenda's apparent limitations. The paper concludes by considering whether the aims of the Big Society approach (recently established by the UK's Coalition Government) hold the potential to engage more directly with some of these issues or whether they merely constitute a "repackaging" of the individualism agenda.
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In the early 1980s, Chinese government has adopted an opening up policy in order to attract capital, skills and modern advanced technology that are necessary for the economic development of China. Indeed, this policy has already borne fruit. China, that was almost self-sufficient until the 1980s, has now become the largest exporter and the second largest recipient of foreign direct investment in the world. Until now, most of the research on the economic opening up policy of China, however, has concentrated on the demonstration of the positive effects of exports and FDI inflows on the domestic economy of China. In this thesis, based on the analysis of economics of production, we study the relationship between the exchange rate of the yuan, export, foreign direct investment and income. We show that the opening up policy conducted by the Chinese government since the 1980s does not really benefit most of the residents in China. Based on the concept of inflation of monetary imbalances, we explain that the net export and entry of foreign direct investment in China have resulted in the inflationary pressures, degradation of real purchasing power of the majority of residents and increasing economic inequalities. These effects can't be remedied by the monetary policy of the Central Bank of China. In addition, the monetary policy is likely to cause a malfunction of the Chinese economy to an extent that increases the financial difficulties of many firms, especially those small ones. That is what we are trying to prove in this thesis ; Au début des années 80, le gouvernement chinois a lancé une politique d'ouverture dans le but d'attirer les capitaux, les compétences modernes et les techniques avancées nécessaires au développement économique de la Chine. Aujourd'hui, cette politique semble porter ses fruits. La Chine, qui était un pays quasiment autarcique avant les années 1980, est devenue actuellement le premier pays exportateur et le deuxième pays destinataire des investissements directs étrangers du monde. Jusqu'à présent, la plupart des travaux de recherche sur l'ouverture économique de la Chine se sont contentés de démontrer les effets positifs des exportations et des entrées des IDE sur l'économie interne de la Chine. Dans le cadre de cette thèse, en partant d'une analyse fondée sur l'économie de production et en étudiant la relation entre le taux de change du yuan, l'exportation, l'investissement direct étranger et le revenu, nous démontrons que la politique d'ouverture menée par le gouvernement chinois depuis les années 80 ne profite pas vraiment à la plupart des habitants de la Chine. En nous fondant sur la notion d'inflation-déséquilibre monétaire, nous expliquons que l'exportation nette et l'entrée d'investissements directs étrangers en Chine ont provoqué une tension inflationniste et une dégradation du pouvoir d'achat réel de la majorité de ses habitants ainsi qu'une aggravation des inégalités économiques. Ces effets ne peuvent pas être corrigés par la politique monétaire de la Banque centrale chinoise. De plus, cette politique monétaire est susceptible d'engendrer un dysfonctionnement de l'économie chinoise dans la mesure où elle accentue les difficultés financières de nombreuses entreprises, notamment celles de petite taille, ce que tente de démontrer cette thèse
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In: Yliaska , V & Nevalainen , P 2020 , ' From state-owned smokestacks to post-industrial dreams : The Finnish government in business, 1970–2010 ' , Business History . https://doi.org/10.1080/00076791.2020.1842874
While state-owned enterprises (SOEs) used to be considered obsolete tools for governmental intervention in the economy, in recent years governmental intervention in the business sector has re-emerged as a topic of debate. However, scholarship on the changes in and the mod- ernisation of the SOE model is limited. In this article, we examine how the Finnish state's ownership policy adapted to the requirements of economic globalisation between the 1970s and the 2010s. We show that the attitude towards globalisation was pragmatic and aimed at safeguarding the competitiveness of domestic companies. The state- owned company system was gradually adapted to meet new needs, losing most of its original industrial policy significance. SOEs had to be made competitive and profitable, but company-specific targets depended on the ownership criteria associated with the companies. At the same time, the government paid more attention to supporting research and development in the private sector.
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In: Scottish journal of political economy: the journal of the Scottish Economic Society, Volume 43, Issue 1, p. 113-126
ISSN: 1467-9485
AbstractThis note presents annual figures for gross expenditure on UK central government assistance to industry over the period 1960‐90. This is part of onging research on the determinants and effects of UK industrial assistance. All figures are at corrent prices and a breakdown is provided between various components of policy, comprising national assistance, industrial and firm specific assistance, technology support, civil aircraft aid, shipbuilding assistance and local employment and regional policy.
This paper analyzes the convenience of implementing a wealth tax in Chile. First, we present the current tax and economic context in which the discussion on the wealth tax takes place. Then, we review the macroeconomic and fiscal effects of this type of tax. Economic theory suggests that a wealth tax induces capital outflows, a lower return on capital, a reduction in the price of taxed assets, and efficiency costs for the Government. Moreover, the experience of OECD countries shows that the wealth tax decreases self-reported household wealth, while empirical estimates for the capital stock elasticity suggest that its effects on economic activity are sizable. On the other hand, the effects on income distribution are limited. In terms of tax collection, the recent experience of OECD countries shows a low contribution of the wealth tax to the fiscal budget. Finally, we assess the wealth tax proposal presented for Chile and argue that tax collection would be much lower than estimated by the sponsors of this policy. ; Este trabajo analiza la conveniencia de implementar un impuesto al patrimonio en Chile. En primer lugar, se presenta el contexto tributario y económico en que se desarrolla la discusión sobre el impuesto al patrimonio. Luego, se revisan los efectos macroeconómicos y fiscales de establecer este tipo de impuesto. La teoría económica sugiere que un impuesto al patrimonio puede inducir salidas de capitales, un menor retorno del capital, una reducción del precio de los activos gravados y costos de eficiencia para el Estado. En esa línea, la experiencia de los países de la OCDE muestra que el impuesto al patrimonio disminuye la riqueza reportada por los hogares, mientras que estimaciones empíricas para la elasticidad del stock de capital sugieren que sus efectos sobre la actividad económica son relevantes. Por otro lado, los efectos sobre la distribución del ingreso de este mecanismo son acotados. En términos de recaudación fiscal, la experiencia de los países de la OCDE sugiere una baja contribución del impuesto al patrimonio a las arcas fiscales. Finalmente, se evalúa la propuesta de impuesto al patrimonio presentada para Chile y se argumenta que la recaudación fiscal sería muy inferior a lo estimado por los promotores de esta iniciativa.
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Sites affected by petroleum hydrocarbons from oil exploitation activities have been identified as a major environmental and socio-economic problem in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. The current Nigerian regulatory instruments to manage these contaminated sites are fragmented and the roles and responsibilities of government agencies, such as the Department for Petroleum Resources (DPR), and the National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency (NOSDRA), are not well defined. This lack of coordination has led to ineffective land contamination policy and poor enforcement more generally. Appropriate, risk-based policy instruments are needed to improve regulatory capacity, and to enhance the regulator's ability to manage new and existing petroleum hydrocarbons contaminated sites. Lessons can be learned from countries like the United Kingdom (UK) and the United States America (USA) that have experience with the management and clean up of historically contaminated land. In this paper, we review the status of petroleum hydrocarbon contaminated sites management in Nigeria and identify the gaps in existing policy and regulation. We review the contaminated land policies and regulation from the UK and the USA, and identify lessons that could be transferred to the Nigerian system. Finally, we provide a series of recommendations (e.g. source – pathway-receptor approach, soil screening criteria, clean-up funding, liability) that could enhance contaminated land legislation in Nigeria.
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The Red Sea is a unique body of water, hosting some of the most productive and diverse coral reefs. Human populations along coasts of the Red Sea were initially sparse due to the hot and arid climate surrounding it, but this is changing with improved desalination techniques, accessible energy, and increased economic interest in coastal areas. In addition to increasing pressure on reefs from coastal development, global drivers, primarily ocean acidification and seawater warming, are threatening coral reefs of the region. While reefs in southern sections of the Red Sea live near or above their maximum temperature tolerance and have experienced bleaching events in the recent past, coral reefs in northern sections are considered a coral reef refugia from global warming and acidification, at least for the coming decades. Such differential sensitivities along the latitudinal gradient of the Red Sea require differential solutions and management. In an effort to identify the appropriate solutions to conserve and maintain resilience of these reefs along a latitudinal gradient, we used a SWOT analysis (strengths/weaknesses/opportunities/threats) to frame the present situation and to propose policy solutions as useful planning procedures. We highlight the need for immediate action to secure the northern sections of the Red Sea as a coral reef climate change refuge by management and removal of local stressors. There is a need to strengthen the scientific knowledge base for proper management and to encourage regional collaboration on environmental issues. Based on scientific data, solutions such as marine protected areas, fishing regulation, and reef restoration approaches were ranked for five distinct latitudinal sections in the Red Sea and levels of interventions are recommended. ; This article is a product of the 4th International Workshop "Bridging the Gap between Ocean Acidification Impacts and Economic Valuation - From Science to Solutions: Ocean Acidification on Ecosystem services, Case studies on coral reefs" held in Monaco from October 15 to 17, 2017. The authors would like to thank the Government of Monaco, the Prince Albert II Foundation, the IAEA Environment Laboratories, the French Ministry for the Ecological and Solidary Transition, the Oceanographic Institute — Prince Albert I of Monaco Foundation, the Monegasque Water Company and the Monegasque Association on Ocean Acidification (AMAO), and the Centre Scientifique de Monaco for organizing and/or financing the workshop. We thank Ute Langner for assistance with ArcGIS map generation (Fig. 3). UL and CRV are supported by King Abdullah University of Science and Technology (KAUST), Saudi Arabia .
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Since the 1980s, the ready–made garments (RMG) sector has opened up the door that allowed poor people, particularly women, to potentially lead a better life in Bangladesh. Economic globalisation has led to the growth of more employment opportunities for those women who are from the most disadvantaged sector of the society and the greatest beneficiaries of employment in the RMG sector as they have gained the power to earn. However, these women workers are also the most vulnerable to the weak legal provisions and compliance enforcement of this sector. Given the situation, the intention of the study is to highlight a bridge between group theories and institutional models through an advanced policy model-process to uphold the rights and enhance empowerment of women labourers in the RMG sector of Bangladesh. Using group theories, the study shows that decision making in the RMG sector has given high concentration to a few policy actors who are economic elites, such as entrepreneurs, and has given highest priority to achieving monetary returns. Evidence from research proves that the trade unions are virtually absent and therefore, women workers' collective bargaining activities for addressing their grievances is limited (Mahmud & Kabeer, 2003, p.33). Moreover, literature suggests that the factory owners are vigilant to the threat of stakeholders like unions or employees' associations and are largely responsible for causing unhealthy management-labour relations in RMG (Afsar, 2004, p. 142; Khan, 2004, p. 173). This has led to the violation of Bangladeshi women workers' basic rights, including equal pay, job security and trade unionism, and labour standards such as health and safety issues. The study argues that, inadequate legislative enforcement, 'for ensuring labour rights as well as codes of conduct' largely ignore women workers' voice and rights in the elite-led RMG sector of Bangladesh.
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In 2014-2015, the European Union revised its neighbourhood policy (ENP), aiming to introduce more differentiation and a more pragmatic approach to the varying levels of ambition for cooperation or integration of neighbouring countries. The Eastern Partnership, a policy explicitly targeting the EU's eastern neighbours, has encountered serious setbacks in the face of Russia's increasingly aggressive stance. Communication about what the EU does with and for neighbouring states is an essential component for the success of the revised ENP, especially given rising concerns about Russia's use of media to promote its own view of developments in the region and the choices of neighbouring countries as a zero sum game. This paper seeks to establish what the EU's communications reveal about its status as soft, normative or transformative power in the region. The paper analyses the EU's communications towards Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine for a two-month period in 2016, after the adoption of the revised ENP. To guide the analysis, the paper revisits the concepts of soft, normative and transformative power. Comparing the scope and elements of these concepts, we suggest that transformative power approaches stress a broad spectrum of reform targeting future members, while soft and normative power address any third states. Soft power includes economic aspects contributing to the EU's (or other powers) attractiveness, while as a normative power the EU focuses primarily on norms. Using this framework, the paper finds that the EU's official communications to Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine represented a different mix of elements. Communications to Belarus were different from the communications to the other two states, stressing normative and rights issues. The range of concepts addressed in communications to Moldova and Ukraine has been broader and more varied. The main emphasis in communications to Ukraine and Moldova were democratic governance (Ukraine) and economic reforms (Moldova). Therefore, it is possible to distinguish ...
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