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Mit diesem Beitrag bieten wir einen Überblick über "performative Sozialwissenschaft", d.h. die Nutzung unterschiedlichster Ausdrucksformen aus Malerei, Dichtung, Theater, Musik, Tanz, Fotografie usw. für wissenschaftliche Projekte. Performative Sozialwissenschaft befindet sich in einem noch frühen Entwicklungsstadium; die wesentlichen Arbeiten sind erst innerhalb der letzten beiden Jahrzehnte erschienen. Ausgehend von einer zumeist sozial-konstruktionistischen Metatheorie wendet sich dieser Ansatz gegen eine realistische Repräsentationsidee und experimentiert stattdessen mit Formen, die für die Konstruktion sozialwissenschaftlich relevanter Welten bedeutungsvoll sein können. Performativer Sozialwissenschaft unterliegt zumeist eine dramaturgische Orientierung, die werthaltige, emotional besetzte Themen und Präsentationen umfasst, ebenso Fragen sozialer Gerechtigkeit und eine dezidiert politische Perspektive. Von besonderem Interesse sind transdisziplinäre Arbeiten und die Zusammenarbeit von Wissenschaft und Kunst.

The challenge facing the social sciences in postrevolutionary Romania is examined. While the revolution destroyed communist economic & political structures, it did not develop a new infrastructure to replace them, which has aggravated old social problems & created new ones, eg, increased ethnic & social conflicts & increasing crime & feelings of insecurity. Social science can assist in the revitalization of Romania, but must also revitalize itself through the development of new theories & methodologies. Reorganization is underway, but is hampered by internal conflicts & financing difficulties. Research priorities for the social sciences are discussed. D. Generoli

In this paper an extension is given of the set of concepts considered to be basic to the fields of Economics, Organization Theory, Political Science, Psychology and Sociology. The modeling is in terms of automata and automata networks. In the first paper on basic concepts the simplest unit, the social atom, stood central. In this second paper social structures and processes are focused upon.

I am pleased to be able to address this, the eighteenth annual meeting of the Social Science History Association. I have many valued memories of presidential addresses, but my favorite was Jerry Clubb's 1984 talk in the Chinese restaurant in Toronto, where speakers, waiters, and many other patrons all competed in a cacophonic, noisy free-for-all. Jerry did not even try to finish the talk, so we had to wait until it appeared in the journal (Clubb 1986).

Among the various facets of the new public history movement, applied history holds particular interest for social science historians. Public history generally involves the effort to use historical work for nonacademic audiences; it thus embraces historical museum work, aspects of archive preservation, and media presentations for general audiences. All these are admirable goals, not of course novel, but receiving new and explicit attention in a variety of recent programs, and in the Public History Association. Applied history, though part of public history in its broadest sense, has a more specific mission (one must note that some of the presentation training programs in public history are labeled "applied," a terminological confusion that one hopes can be remedied). Applied historians seek directly to integrate certain kinds of historical research with the process of policy research, in both public and private sectors. Applied historians do this research themselves, most typically on a contract basis from academic sanctuaries but potentially as policy researchers independent of a direct academic base. They are also involved in training graduate students in this research mode, and in several cases have also mounted undergraduate courses or programs in the genre.

The paper discusses measurement, primarily in economics, from both analytical and historical perspectives. The historical section traces the commitment to ordinalism on the part of economic theorists from the doctrinal disputes between classical economics and marginalism, through the struggle of orthodox economics against socialism down to the cold-war alliance between mathematical social science and anti-communist ideology. In economics the commitment to ordinalism led to the separation of theory from the quantitative measures that are computed in practice: price and quantity indexes, consumer surplus and real national product. The commitment to ordinality entered political science, via Arrow's 'impossibility theorem', effectively merging it with economics, and ensuring its sterility. How can a field that has as its central result the impossibility of democracy contribute to the design of democratic institutions? The analytical part of the paper deals with the quantitative measures mentioned above. I begin with the conceptual clarification that what these measures try to achieve is a restoration of the money metric that is lost when prices are variable. I conclude that there is only one measure that can be embedded in a satisfactory economic theory, free from unreasonable restrictions. It is the Törnqvist index as an approximation to its theoretical counterpart the Divisia index. The statistical agencies have at various times produced different measures for real national product and its components, as well as related concepts. I argue that all of these are flawed and that a single deflator should be used for the aggregate and the components. Ideally this should be a chained Törnqvist price index defined on aggregate consumption. The social sciences are split. The economic approach is abstract, focused on the assumption of rational and informed behavior, and tends to the political right. The sociological approach is empirical, stresses the non-rational aspects of human behavior and tends to the political left. I argue that the split is due to the fact that the empirical and theoretical traditions were never joined in the social sciences as they were in the natural sciences. I also argue that measurement can potentially help in healing this split.

Claude Lévi-Strauss hinted that society was like a language. Kenneth Pike's distinction between emic and etic vernaculars probes the relation between the language in a society and the language of social science. Our thesis is that etic scholarly language that classifies social reality is synonymous with some deep linguistic structure (in Noam Chomsky's sense) of everyday emic language, in some measure unconscious for the user, but discoverable by science. Adding insights of Charles Morris and Charles Stevenson, we maintain that language becomes differentiated into descriptive, evaluative and prescriptive usages, each of which contains executive and emotive components. Such a language can codify societal orders, represent riches, summarize knowledge, embody beauty, define sacredness and express virtues. It can be subject to the operations of the common language of sciences, i.e. logics, mathematics and statistics. It opens an easy door to social structuration and can rephrase dramas of human life.