Search results

El presente artículo aborda algunas relaciones entre educación social, ciudadanía, formación ciudadana y globalización; establece reflexiones para reconfigurar los lugares de la práctica profesional de las ciencias sociales en sus principales desafíos para el siglo XXI. La Educación Social ha estado relacionada de manera directa con la educación de adultos, la educación popular, y en general con la educación de grupos en situación de vulnerabilidad y marginalidad. En este marco, la evolución de la educación política afianza en su importancia y tradición, para contribuir a construir un modelo de sociedad incluyente y equitativa, haciendo que se articulen cada vez más los propósitos entre la Educación Social y la educación política, en la idea de que la primera es un derecho ciudadano y la segunda hace posible que lo social forme parte de las agendas políticas del estado en corresponsabilidad con la sociedad civil, para asegurar el orden social, la garantía de derechos y la democracia. La necesidad de acercar las fronteras entre la educación social y la política se hace particularmente importante al experimentar el impacto actual y futuro de los procesos de globalización, entendidos como la instalación hegemónica del modelo neoliberal, cuyas consecuencias negativas en las sociedades, han agudizado las desigualdades, pospuesto el ideal de justicia social, aumentado la marginación de grandes sectores de población, encontrando en la formación de nuevas ciudadanías, uno de los mayores desafíos para contribuir a la resistencia y transformación. La reflexión que se propone en este texto se desarrolla en tres apartados: el primero identifica el papel de la Educación Social en el desarrollo social, así como las funciones y características más significativas de su implementación; el segundo aborda los impactos de la globalización, sus implicaciones para la educación social y la consolidación de la formación ciudadana; y el tercero demarca los desafíos y características que su realización le sugiere a las ciencias sociales en los contextos locales y globales.

This collection of texts is a first step towards providing a theoretical and methodological platform for the study of social encounters. The social encounter is a particular sort of concept, focusing on confusion, tension, trauma, and possibly social change that may emerge in situations of contact when people and things interact. A social encounter is, however, not only about negotiation or contemplating existence, but is rather about what happens when people interact actively, when they invo

Recent thinking on globalization places risk at the centre of contemporary life. Yet what if our perception of risk is misplaced? What if the greatest risk is not terrorism itself but the conditions that allow terrorism to flourish? This fascinating book illustrates that elevated perceptions of terrorism-related risks are having a deleterious impact on many societies, exacerbating feelings of exclusion among individuals and groups. Via their exploration of various societies, the expert contributors show that as a causal factor of terrorism, social exclusion can be remedied by inclusive, participatory and deliberative measures. They prescribe a recalibration of counter-terrorism policies to unite rather than divide multicultural societies.

Purpose
This paper argues that we need a more disciplined understanding of social enterprise (SE) that is able to incorporate its diversity across different contexts, yet remains sympathetic to its core ideal of value creation. This paper aims to revisit the meaning of value creation to reflect critically upon the diverse forms of SE.


Design/methodology/approach
This paper uses the Aristotelian causes, namely, the formal, efficient and final causes, to problematize the meaning of value creation.


Findings
This paper shows that SEs can create or destroy value depending on who evaluates the value. It also raises the issue that how value is created – the motives, means and action – is affected by the ethical orientation of the actors. Lastly, it encourages researchers to pay attention to how stakeholders are defined in SE, in light of the diverse nature of organizations that are labelled as SEs.


Research limitations/implications
This paper demonstrates that the current definition of SE is inadequate, and to-some extent, problematic. It then proposes some future research agendas, to unpack the issue of value creation, through social cost, politics, transparency and legal perspectives.


Originality/value
This research makes new contribution to the SE literature by injecting an Aristotelian perspective to problematize and reframe the meaning of value creation. It asks scholars to answer these questions: from whose perspective is value created or destroyed (formal cause), how is value created (efficient cause) and for whom is the value created (final cause)?

The diversification and politicisation of the mass media within itself and also societal pressure created by the mass media at a social level have caused changes to our social structure. The first change began with the contextual changes to the mass media, and this change led to visible changes in societies. That transformation has almost erased the distinction between the private and the public spheres, especially as social media has entered our lives. Now, things that occur in the private sphere are easily transported into the public sphere and others' private spheres. Therefore, the virtual public sphere has emerged through social media and all other practices on the internet. It appears that activist movements have either been founded in the cyberworld or that existing activist movements have been strengthened by finding supporters via social media and blogs. The public sphere and activist movements that come into existence in the virtual environment, such as social media, are a new experience in terms of societies, and they are the sign of how the future will be shaped. It is obvious that social media is now an integral part of our daily lives. It is a place where political and secular ideas spread. In this social area each individual has the opportunity to make political statements as if they were standing in an agora. Shared content represents the position within the virtual life that individuals have built for themselves. This study defines the virtual public sphere together with virtual activism and the network society in the light of the public sphere – private sphere debates.

Existing studies argue life chances are, in part, vertically reproduced. Such a statement is applicable to the Chinese contexts as, but not limited to, parental hukou status, to some extent, determines the life chances their children receive. In this essay, the author would like to introduce human capital theory (HCT) and educational signalling theory (EST), and assess how the applications of each of these two models can enrich the understanding of vertical reproduction of individuals' social mobility opportunities. The author would also present the limitations of each of these two models when addressing relevant Chinese contexts.

"Pacto Social" es el nombre con el que popularmente se conoció el programa económico-social del tercer gobierno peronista. Se trataba de un esquema estructurado alrededor de instancias de diálogo tripartito con participación de organizaciones corporativas y del Estado, en el que subyacían mecanismos de intercambio político. El presente artículo aborda los desplazamientos de las posturas de Montoneros ante este programa. Estos serán identificados a partir del análisis de las publicaciones y documentos de la organización, las manifestaciones de sus referentes ante la prensa, y otros testimonios de los actores, priorizando las valoraciones económicas, pero atendiendo también a las apreciaciones político-sociales. La hipótesis central de este trabajo es que, lejos de un rechazo total, la organización comenzó este proceso con manifestaciones ambiguas que le permitían apoyar ciertos aspectos económico-políticos, para avanzar luego hacia un rechazo profundo al plan, a partir de la impugnación de los términos de intercambio político que implicaba.

O texto tem como temática central a acepção habermasiana do eu como sujeito cognoscitivo, linguístico e intersubjetivo, parcialmente determinado pela objetividade do mundo. O sujeito epistêmico ao se confrontar com o mundo estabelece relações sociais caracterizando a normatividade social como identidade coletiva. A questão que se coloca é sobre a relação constitutiva entre sujeito, linguagem e intersubjetividade: o homem que conhece o mundo interpreta-o dentro de suas limitações, se relaciona com ele e julga seus fenômenos, não prescinde da comunidade, cuja identidade coletiva é mediatizada por convicções oriundas tanto de processos discursivas questionadores da objetividade constante no mundo da vida quanto de tradições doutrinárias inquestionáveis também constituintes desse mundo?

Partant d'une réflexion sociologique générale sur la retraite et sur ses rapports avec le vieillissement, les auteurs se proposent d'analyser les processus sociaux par lesquels les retraités sont amenés à actualiser tel ou tel comportement dans la dernière étape de leur vie.
En fonction de leur approche théorique, ils définissent un certain nombre de pratiques liées à la retraite. Ils montrent ensuite de quelle manière ces conduites typiques sont, pour une large part, déterminées par la situation matérielle, biologique, sociale et intellectuelle qui a été constituée au cours de la vie active.
La retraite n'apparaît alors que comme une reproduction détériorée des comportements déjà appris.

"Service to Humanity is Service to God'', is the rule in Indian Culture. Indian Culture has been following this phenomenon as a customary practice. Family values, traditions, culture and religion had their active contribution in the evolution of the modern form of Corporate Social Responsibility. There was time when the corporate personalities used to practice CSR as a service but due to the amazing results the government made this mandatory obligation on part of MNCs to provide their fair share of responsibility towards the society. But we are not really aware of the fact that how the funds are being allocated or actually reaching the people who are really in need. This paper elucidates the CSR globally and in specific reference to India. The Constitutional goal 'Social and Economic Justice' which is the basic function for whose survival, existence and progression, laws plays a predominant role. This paper focusses on Seventeen goals known as SDGGs, through CSR.

This paper presents evidence on the labor market effects of social assistance programs in the short and medium run. We evaluate the impacts of a Conditional Cash Transfer program (Familias en Acción) on informality in Colombia. We exploit an exogenous shock linked to cash transfer benefits that the government provides to poor people to evaluate the effect of these benefits on informality. We argue that being a beneficiary of social programs may create perverse incentives that drive people towards informality through a substitution effect. Survey data of "Familias en Acción" program was used to identify whether the program had any effect on workers' labor decisions concerning participation (or the lack thereof) in the informal labor market in Colombia after one and four years after its implementation. We apply matching algorithms and difference-in-differences estimations to evaluate the effect of the program. We find that a worker's informality condition may be affected by receiving CCT income and by the structure of the colombian health system.

After analyzing attitudes toward the distribution of political power, Form and Rytina (1969) called for increased investigation of the relationship between social stratification and political ideology. This article complements their focus by analyzing attitudes toward the distribution of power in the workplace. We do this specifically by examining the social bases of support for workplace democracy in the United States. Workplace democracy is important because in and of itself, it is an indicator of the democratic versus undemocratic tendencies of individuals, and support for it questions the existing distribution of power between workers and owners/managers. Drawing on data from a 1975 national sample, our principal findings are that there is widespread support for a democratic reorganization of power in the workplace, with blue-collar workers being the most in favor of it and managers the least disposed to it. Furthermore, affluence does not seriously decrease blue collar workers' support for it. In the concluding section, we discuss the practical and scholarly implications of these results.