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Considers (89) S. 2710. ; Considers S. 2710, to authorize the Federal purchase or lease of property in D.C. for use as headquarters site for OAS and as sites for foreign embassies. ; Record is based on bibliographic data in CIS US Congressional Committee Hearings Index. Reuse except for individual research requires license from Congressional Information Service, Inc. ; Indexed in CIS US Congressional Committee Hearings Index Part VIII ; Considers (89) S. 2710. ; Considers S. 2710, to authorize the Federal purchase or lease of property in D.C. for use as headquarters site for OAS and as sites for foreign embassies. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Vanjska trgovima ima veliki značaj u gospodarstvu svake zemlje kroz multiplikativni efekt koji se ogleda ne samo kroz ekonomske komponente već i kroz sociokulturni razvoj. Cilj rada bio je identificirati Tursku u europskom kontekstu međunarodnih odnosa, odnosno ukazati na komparativnu i konkurentsku ulogu Turske u vanjskotrgovinskom poslovanju. Čimbenici odnosa Turske u europskom kontekstu su: demografski aspekti, sociološke i kulturološke razlike, pristupni kriteriji, ekonomski aspekti i politički izazovi. U posljednja dva desetljeća carinska unija Europske unije (EU) i Turske bila je okosnica razvoja u okviru bilateralne trgovine. U tom razdoblju Turska je postala petim glavnim trgovinskim partnerom s EU na globalnoj razini s vrijednošću bilateralne trgovine od 140 milijardi eura (2017). Slično tome, EU je najvažniji trgovinski partner Turske, koja predstavlja 41% turske globalne trgovine. Istraživanje u radu temeljeno je na analizi sekundarnih izvora podataka, a metode sinteze i deskripcije primijenjene su u interpretaciji dobivenih rezultata i formiranja zaključaka. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju kako je integracija Turske u Europsku uniju određena kako "tvrdim" ekonomskim čimbenicima korisnosti, tako i "mekanim" čimbenicima kao što su osjećaj identiteta, religije ili stavovima prema imigrantima. Iako Turska pokazuje pozitivne ekonomske trendove u europskom kontekstu, "mekani" čimbenici ipak predstavljaju osnovnu barijeru integracije. ; Foreign trade has great significance in the economy of each country through a multiplier effect reflected not only through economic components but also through socio-cultural development. The aim of the paper was to identify Turkey in the European context of international relations, that is, to highlight Turkey's comparative and competitive role in foreign trade. Factors of the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the European Union are: demographic aspects, sociological and cultural differences, access to critique, economic aspects and political challanges. In the last two decades, the EU and Turkey customs union was the cornerstone of bilateral trade. At that time, Turkey became the world's fifth largest trade with the EU on a global scale worth EUR 140 billion in 2017. Similarly, the EU is Turkey's most important trading partner, representing 41% of Turkey's global trade. The research in this paper is based on the analysis of secondary data sources, and synthesis and descriptive methods have been applied in the interpretation of the obtained results and the formation of conclusions. The results of the study show that Turkey's integration into the European Union is determined by both "hard" economic utility factors and "soft" factors such as a sense of identity, religion or attitudes towards immigrants. Although Turkey shows positive economic trends in the European context, "soft" factors still represent the primary barrier to integration. The great migration crizis that began in 2015, and continues today, has again put Turkey at the center of geopolitical interest, but also emphasized the interdependence of Turkey and the EU and the conceptualization of a new model of mutual relations.

Explores maternal mortality, arguing that joint UNICEF (United Nations International Childrens Emergency Fund)-Center for Population & Family Health indicators can be evaluated in terms of human rights & employed for monitoring treaty compliance with respect to the availability & use of health care services by women with critical obstetric complications. Maternal morbidity & mortality & issues related to detection, treatment, & measurement are overviewed from a public health perspective, drawing on official statistics. Highlighted is how the UN Guidelines, which set the parameters for the newly developed indicators, are used as human rights tools, along with the rationale for & implications of implementing them. The legal context in which maternal mortality reduction becomes a state obligation as part of a guaranteed right to health is described, & three ways the UN Guidelines can be used to establish standards for enforcing said state obligation are proposed. 5 Tables. J. Lindroth

"The Peace of Utrecht (1713) was perhaps the first political treaty that had a global impact. It not only ended a European-wide conflict, but led to a cessation of hostilities on the American continent and Indian subcontinent, as well as naval warfare worldwide. The treaty also marked an important step in the development of an integrated world-wide political system. By reconsidering the preconditions, negotiations and consequences of the Peace of Utrecht--rather than focusing on previous concerns with international relations and diplomacy--this book helps embed events in a richer context of diverging networks, globalizing empires, expanding media and changing identities"--Provided by publisher

Issues of international migration are drawing increasing attention not only from governments and their national constituencies but also from international organizations, notably from various components of the United Nations system. Better understanding of the causes of the flows of international migration and their relationship with development and answers to policy questions arising therefrom are, however, hampered by scarcity of up‐to‐date and reliable quantitative information concerning international migration.As a step toward remedying this gap, in March 2003 the Population Division of the United Nations issued a report, presumably the first of a series, titled International Migration Report 2002. A review essay by David Coleman discussing this publication appears in the book review section of the present issue of PDR.The bulk of this 323‐page document presents statistical profiles for more than 200 countries and territories and also for various regional aggregates. These summaries provide data or estimates (when available or feasible) on population, migrant stock, refugees, and remittances by migrant workers for 1990 and 2000, and on average annual net migration flows for 1990–95 and 1995–2000. These profiles also offer characterization of government views on policies relating to levels of immigration and emigration.According to the report, the total number of international migrants—those residing in a country other than where they were born—was 175 million in 2000, or about 3 percent of the world population. In absolute terms, this global number is about twice as large as it was in 1970, and exceeds the 1990 estimate by some 21 million.The introductory chapters of the report discuss problems in measuring international migration and summarize major trends in international migration policies since the mid‐1970s. An additional chapter reproduces a recent report of the Secretary‐General to the United Nations General Assembly on international migration.Reproduced below is much of the "Overview" section of the report (pp. 1–5). In addition to its published form (New York: United Nations, 2002, ST/ESA/SER.A/220), the full report is accessible on the Internet: http://www.un.org/esa/population/publications/ittmig2002/ittmigrep2002.htm

"This collection of essays sheds new light on many aspects of Asias integration with the international economy. H.I.H. Crown Prince Naruhito discusses the problems of controlling water in the interest of urban development. He first examines the problems encountered on the River Thames in relationship to the growth of London in the eighteenth century, and then relates his findings to Japan where similar problems arose with respect to the expansion of Edo (Tokyo). Other chapters looking at the eighteenth century examine the development of plant collecting in Asia and the wider world in the interest of the economy and leisure, Japans connections with the outside world by way of the Dutch East India Company (VOC), and the Dutch acquisition of the knowledge of the Japanese language at their base at Dejima Island, Nagasaki. India features next with a chapter showing how India was crucial in initiating the industrial revolution in Britain, by stimulating British manufacturers to copy the fine textiles made by hand loom weavers there. This is followed by a chapter showing how in the late nineteenth century India was the central pivot in the entire international economic system, based on its trading surplus with China. Other discussions trace the role of Scotland as a centre of heavy industry and shipbuilding, with Scottish companies dominating the shipping lanes of Asia. A further chapter shows how British connections with Asia, in this case Shanghai, brought problems of debt and non payment, and outlines the steps taken to try to control the situation. Elsewhere problems arose in Bangkok over the quality of rice being supplied to European merchants in the 1920s, leading to a decline in sales. Finally there is a discussion of Japanese commercial policy towards Africa in the inter-war period. This book will be of interest and use to students, researchers, and general readers interested in Asia's role in world economic development."--Provided by publisher.

This dissertation analyzes the complex relationship between U.S. diplomatic efforts overseas and cinematic representations, perceptions, and receptions—as well as the implications of this association for cross-cultural interactions—through the American Film Showcase (AFS), a diplomatic program jointly organized by the University of Southern California and the U.S. Department of State. Specifically, my study examined the showcase's implementation (i.e. the selection/approval and screening of films), the objectives of the AFS' organizers, and how the program was received in Monterrey, Mexico—in other words, how the AFS films and activities were interpreted. Following these implementation and reception analyses, I conducted in-depth ethnographic research focusing on program participants' ongoing responses to the AFS through their subsequent perceptions and work/activities. My results have helped to identify/clarify how perceptions of power, imperialism, and U.S. society shape people's receptivity abroad to ideas about America and diplomatic interactions. They also illustrate ways in which current on-the-ground impressions of the U.S. shift—or why they persist—due to such outreach, and what this means for cultivating international relationships and transforming attitudes towards the U.S. by means of diplomatic efforts. These results thus offer insight into the benefits and drawbacks of cultural diplomacy, and may help to improve future diplomatic endeavors in regions significant to U.S. foreign relations.

AbstractThis article argues that scientific and critical realism have embraced several mistaken claims, among them that social science enquiry cannot proceed unless the theoretical objects of study are specified in advance. The article argues, rather, that although pre-scientific, observable objects and events must be specified from the outset, theoretical objects come to our attention only in the course of formulating theories. The article advances an alternative to scientific realist and critical realist foundations, namely, causal conventionalism, which is an adaptation to the social sciences of several elements of Pierre Duhem's conventionalist account of physical science. The article argues that major goals of theorising that scientific realism and critical realism seek to fulfill are better satisfied by the conventionalist alternative. In an effort to clarify some important issues, the article identifies and responds to a series of related criticisms of my views offered by Colin Wight in his recent article 'A Manifesto for Scientific Realism in IR: Assuming the Can-Opener Won't Work!' in 'Millennium', and in his book, Agents, Structures and International Relations: Politics as Ontology.1