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Compares trade, 1983 with 1984.

Economic sanctions have long occupied the attention of both scholars and policy makers. Despite the widespread use of sanctions, many observers have concluded that the inherent problems associated with imposing sanctions involving multiple senders substantially limit their effectiveness. This article reviews two books that analyze the factors that influence cooperation among senders of multilateral sanctions. These books indicate that international institutions can do much to promote cooperation of this sort. However, this essay argues that the extent to which international institutions facilitate cooperation among senders of sanctions is likely to depend on the domestic politics of members, the type of institution being used for this purpose, the nature of the strategy being pursued, and the distribution of power among members. Although these books make significant contributions to our understanding of the factors that promote cooperation among senders of multilateral sanctions, they examine the factors that promote the effectiveness of sanctions in only a peripheral manner. One potential influence on the effectiveness of sanctions that are organized by an international institution, however, is the likelihood that the institution will be captured by member states or by interest groups within them. Additional research that investigates the conditions under which international institutions are likely to be captured and the implications of institutional capture for their performance may therefore prove useful to scholars of international relations and economic statecraft.

With the horrific incident on September 11 in the US, the US armed forces entered Afghanistan to shut the door to terrorism. Now, Afghanistan opens a new page for Afghanistan's internal and external political system. Afghanistan as a country that has pursued regional cooperation from neighboring countries, especially from India. India is the most promising country for Afghanistan's foreign policy and diplomatic relations in areas such as economic, cultural, technical, capacity building, military and other growth. The purpose of this study is to examine the development process of the two countries India and Pakistan in an effort to establish international relations. With a qualitative approach This research resulted in India being one of the countries which, after September 11, 2001, and the leadership of the Taliban, succeeded in gaining more opportunities for the people of Afghanistan. His non-hostile contributions to Middle Eastern and Middle Eastern countries have created a special place for the people of Afghanistan. India after independence in 1947, started friendly relations with Afghanistan two years later, until now, has enthusiastically and dedicably made their contribution to Afghanistan. The people of Afghanistan in this case get many benefits from India's bilateral relations, namely the construction of the Salma Dam in Herat, Delaram Road Development, Allotment of 1000 Afghan Student Scholarships in Human Resource Development per year, the Repair of the Afghan Foreign Minister Complex, the establishment of the Afghan Parliament Building, the Opening of Chabahar Port, Strengthening the Equipment of the Afghan Military Forces, Air Corridors, and India's efforts to get Afghanistan to gain Membership in Regional Cooperation Bodies such as SAARC, BRICS, Asia Heart 'Istanbul Process'.

As a field of study international relations has always been concerned with the problem of war. Since the second world war much attention has been given to the impact of weapons of mass destruction, most commonly in the form of nuclear weapons. More recently, a wider variety of issues have been addressed by the field, notably widening its coverage of economic, welfare and social issues. Three broad approaches to international relations have emerged: political realism, pluralism, and globalism.Biotechnology represents a major technological revolution which will have enormous impact on the world at many levels. One impact which cannot be ignored is its potential for weaponry. This paper assesses the three international relations approaches with respect to their elucidation of biotechnology and its potential for violent and aggressive applications.

For many decades Chinese foreign direct investments in Latin America were not a subject of academic research or political debate. However, thanks to China's fast economic growth, huge saving rate and national reserves, the country plays a more and more important role not only in global trade, being the world's biggest exporter, but also in international investment scene by increasing the number and volume of its overseas businesses. Chinese FDIs in Latin America, although not as controversial as those in Africa, have registered a steady growth and seem to be both a chance and a threat for Latin American states. The scale and structure of FDI still remain relatively poor but the situation in the last years, especially 2009-2010 shows a significant change. Huge amount of Chinese FDI go to Brazil, which is also the recipient of the biggest Chinese single overseas business project (Porto do Aço). As far as Brazilian-Chinese bilateral economic relations are concerned, the complementarity of countries' economies gives hope of beneficial cooperation, but at the same time poses a threat on Brazil of being vulnerable to externalities and losing manufacturing advantage in exports. Moreover, Chinese presence in Latin America means not only counterbalance to the influence of the USA but also undermines Brazilian position in the region. Methodology: the author combines quantitative and qualitative data analysis. Data used for the purpose of the article come mainly from UNCTAD statistics on-line, statistics of Chinese Ministry of Commerce, CIA Factbook. Moreover, the author makes use of desk research and literature review. ; Chińskie Inwestycje Bezpośrednie W Ameryce Łacińskiej I Ich Wpływ Na Chińsko-Brazylijskie Stosunki GospodarczePrzez wiele dekad chińskie inwestycje bezpośrednie w Ameryce Łacińskiej nie stanowiły przedmiotu poważniejszych badań naukowych czy politycznej debaty. Szybki rozwój gospodarczy Chin, ogromne oszczędności i rezerwy narodowe, a także rola kraju w światowym handlu sprawiły jednakże, iż Chiny stały się nie tylko największym globalnym eksporterem, ale zaczęły ponadto odgrywać coraz poważniejszą rolą na scenie międzynarodowych inwestycji, sukcesywnie zwiększając ilość swoich inicjatyw gospodarczych za granicą. Chińskie inwestycje w Ameryce Łacińskiej, jeden z przykładów tego trendu, nie tak kontrowersyjny bynajmniej jak obecność Chin w Afryce, stanowią zarówno szansę jak i zagrożenie dla krajów Ameryki Łacińskiej. Struktura i skala chińskich BIZ nadal pozostaje dość nieznaczna, ale ta sytuacja zmienia się szybko, szczególnie analizując lata 2009-2010. Ogromna część chińskich BIZ trafia do Brazylii, która jest jednocześnie odbiorcą największej indywidualnej chińskiej inwestycji zagranicznej, jaką jest projekt budowy Porto do Aço. Stosunki brazylijsko-chińskie w zakresie współpracy gospodarczej z jednej strony wydają się być bardzo obiecujące z uwagi na komplementarność obu gospodarek, z drugiej jednak strony stwarzają zagrożenie dla Brazylii jakim jest nadmierne uzależnienie się od czynników zewnętrznych oraz utrata przewagi w eksporcie produktów przetworzonych, które wypierane są przez produkty chińskie. Ponadto, chińska obecność w Ameryce Łacińskiej nie oznacza tylko stworzenie przeciwwagi dla Stanów Zjednoczonych, ale podważa również pozycję Brazylii w regionie. Metodologia: autor łączy ilościową i jakościową analizę danych pochodzących głównie z baz UNCTAD, Chińskiego Ministerstwa Handlu, CIA i Brazylijskiego Ministerstwa Gospodarki. Ponadto, autor w ramach przeglądu dostępnej literatury, podejmuje się analizy i oceny badań dotyczących powyższego tematu przeprowadzonych przez m.in. Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada oraz badań opublikowanych przez Uniwersytet w Sao Paulo.