Search results

Ungar argues that Joyce's Ulysses is the Irish national epic—a new national epic written at the moment a new nation, the Irish Free State, was being founded, and one that evades the potential constraints of the epic tradition in order to draw attention instead to what Ungar calls "the change required in Ireland's too formulaic self-definition." This is the first full-length study of how Ireland's accession to political sovereignty figures in the compositional design of Ulysses. ; http://florida.theorangegrove.org/og/file/6c04059d-aa98-6b70-4550-46a1f9dde5ee/1/UlyssesasNationalEpic.pdf ; press@upf.com ; Narrative text, Textbook ; Andras Ungar, University Press of Florida [UPF] ; http://www.ogtp-cart.com/product.aspx?ISBN=9781616101404 ; Higher Education ; Expositive ; Ungar argues that Joyce's Ulysses is the Irish national epic—a new national epic written at the moment a new nation, the Irish Free State, was being founded, and one that evades the potential constraints of the epic tradition in order to draw attention instead to what Ungar calls "the change required in Ireland's too formulaic self-definition." This is the first full-length study of how Ireland's accession to political sovereignty figures in the compositional design of Ulysses. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Klappentext: Von Niklas Luhmanns frühem systemtheoretischem Begriff der funktionalen Differenzierung lässt sich sowohl normativ als auch empirisch viel über Verfassungsgerichte lernen. So kann Luhmanns Analyse der rechtlichen Autonomie helfen, das legitimatorische Grundproblem der Verfassungsgerichtsbarkeit - die Kontrolle von Parlamentsgesetzen - neu zu beleuchten. Und seine Theorie der Zweiteilung des politischen Systems kann unser begriffliches Verständnis verfassungsgerichtlicher Politisierung schärfen. Das vorliegende Buch veranschaulicht dieses Potential, indem es Legitimation durch Verfahren im Besonderen und Luhmanns frühe Systemtheorie im Allgemeinen auf das Bundesverfassungsgericht und den Supreme Court anwendet.

Highly alkaline industrial residues (e.g., steel slag, bauxite processing residue (red mud) and ash from coal combustion) have been identified as stocks of potentially valuable metals. Technological change has created demand for metals, such as vanadium and certain rare earth elements, in electronics associated with renewable energy generation and storage. Current raw material and circular economy policy initiatives in the EU and industrial ecology research all promote resource recovery from residues, with research so far primarily from an environmental science perspective. This paper begins to address the deficit of research into the governance of resource recovery from a novel situation where re-use involves extraction of a component from a bulk residue that itself represents a risk to the environment. Taking a political industrial ecology approach, we briefly present emerging techniques for recovery and consider their regulatory implications in the light of potential environmental impacts. The paper draws on EU and UK regulatory framework for these residues along with semi-structured interviews with industry and regulatory bodies. A complex picture emerges of entwined ownerships and responsibilities for residues, with past practice and policy having a lasting impact on current possibilities for resource recovery.

The emergence of new media as a result of the development of the Internet has made the media a democratic agent of information. In conjunction with the transition of current political culture, society is now more comfortable using social media as a source of political information acquisition. This study was conducted to identify the impact of social media use on politics in Malaysia as well as to analyze the level of social media use in determining the people's pattern of support for political parties and political candidates in Malaysia. This study was conducted using a quantitative approach which is survey. Questionnaire was used as the research instrument. A total of 993 respondents consisting of male (46.2%) and female (53.8%) were randomly sampled from peninsular Malaysia to participate in the study. The findings reveal that nearly two-thirds of respondents used newspapers (65.5%), followed by social media (63.5%) and television (59.5%) to search and read current political information in Malaysia. The findings also show that respondents agreed that social media play a role and has the advantage of channeling political information (min = 3.57) compared to conventional media. The respondents somehow agreed with political participation through social media. Respondents also agreed that social media have helped to enhance the image of candidates and political parties (min = 3.17) by displaying activities of candidates serving the people (min = 3.25). This suggests that today's society is very much concerned with what is shown on social media involving current political situation. Therefore, monitoring of political information shared on social media should be done to ensure that information is free from seditious elements that can diverge unity.Keywords: Use of Social Media; Political support; Political party; Political participation; MalaysiaCite as: Salman, A., Yusoff, M.A., Mohamad Salleh, M.A., & Hj Abdullah, M.Y. (2018). Pengunaan media sosial untuk sokongan politik di Malaysia [The use of social media for political support in Malaysia]. Journal of Nusantara Studies, 3(1),51-63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jonus.vol3iss1pp51-63 AbstrakKemunculan media baharu hasil daripada perkembangan rangkaian internet telah menjadikan media tersebut sebagai agen demokrasi maklumat. Bertepatan dengan peralihan budaya politik semasa, masyarakat kini lebih selesa menggunakan media sosial sebagai sumber perolehan maklumat politik terkini. Kajian ini dijalankan untuk mengenalpasti impak penggunaan media sosial terhadap politik di Malaysia serta menganalisis tahap penggunaan media sosial dalam menentukan pola sokongan rakyat ke atas parti politik dan calon politik di Malaysia. Kajian ini telah dijalankan dengan menggunakan pendekatan kuantitatif dimana kaedah tinjauan (survey) jadi pilihan dengan menggunakan borang soal selidik sebagai instrumen kajian. Sebanyak 993 responden yang terdiri daripada lelaki (46.2%) dan perempuan (53.8%) telah dipilih secara random responden di negeri-negeri semenanjung Malaysia untuk mengambil bahagian dalam kajian ini. Antara hasil kajian adalah hampir dua pertiga daripada responden menggunakan akhbar (65.5%), diikuti media sosial (63.5%) dan televisyen (59.5%) untuk mencari dan membaca maklumat berkaitan dengan politik semasa di Malaysia. Hasil Kajian juga menunjukkan responden bersetuju bahawa media sosial berperanan dan mempunyai kelebihan dalam menyalurkan maklumat politik (min=3.57) berbanding dengan media konvensional. Kajian ini mendapati responden menyatakan persetujuan secara sederhana tentang partisipasi politik melalui media sosial. Responden bersetuju bahawa media sosial membantu mempertingkatkan imej calon dan parti politik (min= 3.17) dengan mempamerkan aktiviti calon dalam memberi khidmat kepada rakyat (min=3.25). Ini sedikit sebanyak menunjukkan bahawa masyarakat pada hari ini sangat prihatin dengan apa yang dipaparkan di media sosial berkenaan perkara-perkara yang melibatkan politik semasa. Oleh itu, pemantauan terhadap maklumat politik yang dikongsikan di media sosial perlu dilakukan bagi memastikan maklumat tersebut bebas dari unsur hasutan yang boleh memecah-belahkan perpaduan.Kata kunci: Penggunaan Media Sosial; Sokongan Politik; Malaysia; Parti politik; Partisipasi politik

Abstract
On 3 August 1970, a student activist belonging to the Kakumaru-ha (Revolutionary Marxist Faction) was beaten to death by members of the rival Chūkaku-ha (Central Core Faction) at Hosei University, Tokyo. This incident sparked an intense war between Japanese New Left factions that stretched into the 1980s and resulted in dozens of deaths, making Japan a unique case among industrialized nations for its extremely high level of left-wing interfactional violence. Of particular importance in understanding the ideological factors surrounding such an escalation of violence was the debate triggered between Umemoto Katsumi, one of the intellectual founders of the Japanese New Left, and members of the Kakumaru-ha led by Kuroda Kan'ichi around the limits of political violence. This article explores the theoretical confrontation between these two opposing sides that was of such critical importance to the logic of war between Japanese New Left factions in the 1970s and 1980s.

This article critically examines the underlying political and structural conditions that lead to Haiti's underdevelopment and the vulnerability of the country to natural disasters. Using the scholarship of Percy Hintzen and Michel-Rolph Trouillot, the article argues that disjunctures in the post-revolutionary governance of Haiti created conditions of precarity, vulnerability, and preempted possibilities for development. Those disjunctures were exacerbated under the Duvaliers and continue to be part of the fabric of Haiti. The explanation rests in the policies and practices of powerful domestic and foreign actors with vested interests in maintaining conditions of underdevelopment. This explains the failure of the county to effectively respond to extreme natural events such as earthquakes and hurricanes, thereby transforming them into pervasive natural disasters. The calamities that the world noticed on January 12, 2010 were simply an epiphenomenon of those deeply underlying conditions.

Through Argentine Supreme Court cases, this article
focuses on legal constructs of women's citizenship and identity in
Argentina in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Although
the Supreme Court consistently denied having done so, its jurisprudence
created dependent citizenship for married Argentine women, conflating a
wife's identity with that of her spouse in both domicile and nationality
cases. Using concepts of consent, knowledge, and obligation found in
liberal political theory, judges and legal scholars justified a married
woman's dependent citizenship as the reasonable consequence of her own
independent choice. Yet the law--not a woman's choice--expatriated
her. The Supreme Court's conception of a unified marital identity
subsumed a married woman's nationality under her husband's citizenship and
reinforced her legal subordination to him. She was, at the same moment,
both Argentine and not Argentine, depending on the particular issue at
hand and her husband's national status.

Studies of voluntary international population migrations have frequently shown that, because the movements are based on choice, the principal motivating factors are economic. Permanent international migrations are therefore seen as an adjustment to economic inequalities in that migrants move from one country in the hope of obtaining better employment and higher incomes in another country. However, this article suggests that the special case of southern African countries (Namibia, South Africa and Zimbabwe), in which the majority of permanent movers have historically been whites of European origin, requires that greater attention should be given to the politico-structural context of voluntary international migrations. Statistical data on international migrations to and from Zimbabwe during the past quarter of a century are used to demonstrate that the temporal magnitude and spatial patterns of population movements are best explained by reference to the changing political, rather than economic, conditions within the country.

This paper attempts to assess just how much and in what ways behaviour has changed between the generation that experienced the Son-fan, Wu-fan Campaign in 1951–52 and the generation that pitched itself into the Cultural Revolution of 1966–69. We focus in the first instance on the confluence of the San-fan with a thought reform movement in the schools in 1951–52, in which students "drew a clear line of demarcation between self and family," often denouncing their parents, and in which a youth vanguard forced their teachers as well to criticize themselves. Impressionistic comparisons between that campaign and the Cultural Revolution of the ways in which adoles-cents tried to establish continuity between patterns of behaviour learned in childhood and adult social-political roles may reveal differences in the direction and nature of their rebelliousness and may reflect changes in family relationships and in socialization patterns.

Oil, gas, and mining projects can be profoundly disruptive to lives and livelihoods and damaging to air, water, soil, and vegetation. Evidence of this abounds across the world, from the Niger Delta and the Gulf of Mexico to Brumadinho, Brazil, and Porgera, Papua New Guinea. Understanding and addressing the social and environmental repercussions of EI development projects is crucial for avoiding or effectively managing such negative outcomes and fostering sustainable development. To date, environmental impact assessment (EIA) processes have been the cornerstone of efforts to identify and address social and environmental impacts of proposed development projects, including extractive industry projects and associated infrastructure. This brief is based on a longer chapter on the topic produced for a United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) publication on development corridors.1 It aims to present the gaps between various aspects of the theory and practice of EIAs, explore some of the ways in which political factors may be contributing to these gaps, and suggest how future work on social and environmental protection and management.