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AbstractIn this paper, we investigate whether income inequality negatively affects voter turnout. Despite some progress, the answer to this question is still debated due to methodological disagreements and differences in the selection of countries and time periods. We contribute to this debate by triangulating data and methods. More specifically, we use three kinds of data to resolve the question: first, we use cross-sectional aggregate data of 21 OECD countries in the time period from 1980 to 2014 to study the relationship between inequality and electoral participation. Second, we zoom in on the German case and examine local data from 402 administrative districts between 1998 and 2017. Focusing on within-country variation eliminates differences that are linked to features of the political system. Finally, we combine survey data with macro-data to investigate the impact of inequality on individual voting. This final step also allows us to test whether the effect of income inequality on voter turnout differs across income groups. Taken together, we offer the most comprehensive analysis of the impact of social inequality on political inequality to date. We corroborate accounts that argue that economic inequality exacerbates participatory inequality.

High-technology industries provide opportunities for economic growth, but also raise concerns because of their energy-demanding nature. This paper provides an integrated evaluation of both economic benefits and energy efficiency of high-technology industries based on the real data from one of the globally recognized high-technology industrial clusters, the national science parks in Taiwan. A nation-wide industrial Input-Output Analysis is conducted to demonstrate the positive effects of science parks on national economic developments and industrial upgrades. The concept of energy intensity and an energy-efficient economy index are applied to an integrated assessment of the relationship between economic growth and energy consumption. The proposed case study suggests that economic and energy efficiency objectives can be simultaneously achieved by the development of high-technology industries, while three energy policy implications are considered. First, a nation-wide macro viewpoint is needed and high-technology industries should be considered as parts of the national/regional economies by governmental agencies. Second, a proper industrial clustering mechanism and the shared environmental facilities supported by the government, such as planned land and road usage, electricity and water supply, telecommunications system, sewerage system and wastewater treatments, can improve energy efficiency of high-technology industries. Third, the governmental policies on the taxing and management system in science parks would also direct energy-efficient economy of high-technology industries.

This article assesses the effects in terms of economic, political, and cross-border relations between Iran and Turkey after the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) came to power and examines how and to what extend Turkey intervened in several regional equations while balancing its Western advantages for its national benefit with a clear view toward achieving specific goals. Iran also reaped several positive outcomes even as regional tensions increased. The findings highlight that to manage Western strategic goals in its new international niche, Turkey optimized every potential opportunity for global bargaining to its benefit. Turkey's relations with Iran were carefully balanced by its Western designs through the calculated applications of choices in various fields of Iran's foreign policy.

The central focus of economic activity in post-industrial societies is shifting from the manufacturing of objects to the handling of information and knowledge. The power of major transnational firms now rests as much upon their capacities to marshal information and knowledge as upon their traditional role in directly productive activities. There is every indication that the sharpest aspect of competition in the future may be based more on the efficient use of specialized knowledge, information, and new technological capacity for its communication and use than on more traditional factors. Information handling capacity already offers industrialized countries and firms considerable economic and political leverage in North-South interaction. Information vital to developing countries is frequently concentrated in the capitals of the North.

"What are the origins of nationalism and why is it capable of arousing such intense emotions? In this major study, Azar Gat counters the prevailing fashionable theories according to which nations and nationalism are modern and contrived or 'invented'. He sweeps across history and around the globe to reveal that ethnicity has always been highly political and that nations and national states have existed since the beginning of statehood millennia ago. He traces the deep roots of ethnicity and nationalism in human nature, showing how culture fits into human evolution from as early as our aboriginal condition and, in conjunction with kinship, defines ethnicity and ethnic allegiances. From the rise of states and empires to the present day, this book sheds new light on the explosive nature of ethnicity and nationalism, as well as on their more liberating and altruistic roles in forging identity and solidarity"--

Prologue : Joseph Smith ran for President? - Seeking "power to protect the innocent" : aristarchic theodemocracy -- Our motto : General Joseph Smith for President! - The cadre for the kingdom : who were the electioneers? -- "Heaven began on earth" : a campaign of earnest hope -- "Storming the nation" : the electioneers' experiences -- Shock, fury, and consolation : the assassination -- "Joseph's measures" : critical cadre contributions in the succession and exodus, 1844-1847 -- Deseret : the emerging aristarchy of the kingdom, 1848-1851 -- "Continuing till we have something like union" : the religious aristarchy of the kingdom, 1851-1869 -- "Unity is power" : the political, social, and economic aristarchy of the kingdom, 1851-1869 -- "What does it all mean?" : theodemocracy's twilight, 1869-1896 -- Epilogue : Abraham O. and Reed Smoot : the lost but lasting legacy of the electioneer cadre.

The representation of women in politics is one of the most discussed topics in Indonesian political discourse, including political discourse in media, particularly in the Indonesian context. Two metonymies are commonly used to refer to women politicians in the Indonesian context, the first is Srikandi and the second is Kartini, both are well-known figures in Indonesian history and culture. This paper discusses the use of those two metonymies to speak about women politicians in Indonesian political discourse. The focus of the investigation is the extent of the use of the metonymy across political parties and Indonesian political level, from national to local, and the influence of the context of time to the metonymy chosen in a particular discourse. The study will also examine the characteristics that are associated with the two figures that are highlighted in metonymic use. The study is descriptive qualitative with Conceptual Metaphor Theory – CMT as the theoretical background with ten data from news headlines that are purposively chosen for this study. The result shows that the metonymic use of both figures is extensive across parties and political levels. It is also found that the context plays important role in the use of Kartini particularly during the celebration of Kartini day on April 21; Whereas the notions of women empowerment are not reflected from all metonymic use. Thus, the text producers should not only use Kartini and Srikandi as metonymy just because of gender relatedness but should reflect more on women empowerment.

The articulation of an epistemologically premised, conceptual, consistent, and applied worldview of unified interrelationships between God, self, the world-system with its details, and the Hereafter describes AbÅ« ḤÄmid Muḥammad ibn Muḥammad al-GhazÄlÄ« peripatetic worldview. This worldview can also be thought of as the cardinal model of the Islamic worldview as premised on its most central and indispensable epistemic foundation of unity of God and the unification of the learning world-system by the evolutionary learning on unity of knowledge. These elements of Ghazali's peripatetic worldview are used to configure the social political economy by implication and study of his works. The model of the social political economy is established by primordial reference to Ghazali's thought, written works, and by implication arising from these works. Besides, a comparative study of the literature introduces Ghazali's worldview to contemporary meanings in the areas of sustainable development, money, finance and real economy, individual and social preference formation, individual rational choice and social choice, and the objective criterion surrounding social wellbeing contra social welfare concept in the economic literature. A theory of endogenous ethics is derived. Through this entire investigative study Ghazali's thought is found to be profoundly current today as it was when he thought and wrote so profoundly. Because of the objective based on the Islamic construct of the moral and social elements of political economy the paper remains focused on three selective works only of Imam Ghazali in comparative perspectives of modern thinkers in political economy.Â

Economists generally accept the proposition that high inflation rates generate inefficiencies that reduce society's welfare and economic growth. However, determining the causes of the worldwide diversity of inflationary experiences is an important challenge not yet satisfactorily confronted by the profession. Based on a dataset covering around 100 countries for the period 1960-1999 and using modern panel data econometric techniques to control for endogeneity, this paper shows that a higher degree of political instability is associated with higher inflation. The paper also draws relevant policy implications for the optimal design of inflation stabilization programs and of the institutions favorable to price stability. ; Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia ...

У статті здійснюється соціолого-правове обґрунтування тези, що в структурі політичної свідомості відбувається гармонійне поєднання та інтеріоризація політико-правових цінностей на об'єктивному підґрунті взаємозалежності політики і права; визначено їх зміст і органічний зв'язок з політичною культурою та правовою мораллю. ; В статье осуществляется социолого-правовое обоснование тезиса о том, что в структуре политического сознания происходит гармоничное объединение и интериоризация политико-правовых ценностей на объективной почве взаимозависимости политики и права; определены их содержание и органическая связь с политической культурой и правовой моралью. ; The sociological and legal ground of thesis is carried out in the article, that in the structure of political consciousness there is harmonious association and interiorization of political and legal values on objective soil of interdependence of policy and right; their maintenance and organic connection is certain with a political culture and legal moral. Actuality of researches of problem of taking root of political and legal values in consciousness of man is conditioned that its opening gives prospects for realization of effective strategies from reformation of political and legal spheres of society at the terms of democratization of Ukraine.In the difficult world of Policy and Law for a value carry out the role of leading criteria and ideological markers which determine landmarks for social consolidation of citizens and maintenance them political and legal activity. Even formal interpretation of fundamental values of life of man – world, freedom, sovereignty, justice, social equality, law and order, democracy – basic aspects of understanding of right and elements of legal form of public relations – expressly fixes the valued status of law and democratic consciousness.Sociology interprets political and legal values, as an aggregate of ideas, standard presentations, proof psychological options, orientations, stereotypes, which determine directions of political activity, and reproduce political ideals and interests of social subjects. To them take, foremost – democracy, political freedom, social equality and justice, human rights and their guarantees. These values are executed by the functions of assistance integration of group in system integrity; determine the hierarchy of political aims and influence on electing of legal facilities and political technologies in relation to their realization. To most formed common to all mankind political and legal universals belong: common to all mankind ideals and principles; international political symbolism; state system; international language of policy and right; international law. Sure, a legal law and legal state – also the absolute legal values of political consciousness of man and valued requirement in relation to realization of democratic policy. But political consciousness of modern Ukrainians is overloaded system problems – corruption of power, by the legal collisions of state plenary powers, dualism of functions of executive power (a president ↔ a government), weak efficiency of parliament, deficit of resources of local self-government (even at the terms of decentralization), corrupted of courts, which conduces to the loss of social trust and legitimacy of power. In obedience to sociological information, from 2012 to 2014, in a period historical ordeals, in the population of Ukraine considerably the index of participating rose in political life; mentality of the Ukrainian citizens demonstrates the certain valued metamorphoses, related above all things to growth of national consolidation, patriotism and values of democracy.

Abstract Political ecology has, in the past decade, emerged as an increasingly accepted framework for studying issues of health and disease and has thus given rise to a distinct sub-field: the political ecologies of health and disease (PEHD). More recently, scholars have suggested more specific avenues through which the sub-field can be further developed and focused. Building on recent work, we suggest that the role of health perceptions and health discourses is one area that could benefit from examination through the lens of political ecology. The papers in this special section thus intend to further contribute to the empirical richness of this area of study, through an emphasis on anthropological and cultural aspects of health injustices. We emphasize the role of health perceptions, in particular, as a way of exploring how people's experiences of the local environment often differ from dominant discourses related to un/healthy environments, and the effects stemming from this disjuncture. Keywords: Political ecology of health, disease, perceptions, discourse, ethnography, environmental justice

While prior studies document the benefits of political connections in emerging markets, their value in developed markets is less certain. In this study, we examine the types of firms that have directors with political and government connections on their boards and the value of these connections to shareholders in Australia, a developed market with low levels of corruption and lobbying, and public funding of election campaigns. We find that directors with political and government connections hold 2.1 of listed company directorships (in 7.7 of listed companies) in Australia. After controlling for director and firm characteristics, we find the market reaction to the appointment of directors with political and government connections is significantly lower than other directors. This is particularly the case for former politicians whose political parties are not in power and who have less political experience. In summary, we find no evidence that political and government connections on corporate boards are particularly abundant or valuable to shareholders in Australia. © 2014, SAGE Publications. All rights reserved.

AbstractProtests can engender significant institutional change. Can protests also continue to shape a nation's contemporary politics outside of more formalized channels? I argue that social movements can not only beget institutional change, but also long‐run, attitudinal change. Using the case of the U.S. civil rights movement, I develop a theory in which protests can shift attitudes and these attitudes can persist. Data from over 150,000 survey respondents provide evidence consistent with the theory. Whites from counties that experienced historical civil rights protests are more likely to identify as Democrats and support affirmative action, and less likely to harbor racial resentment against blacks. These individual‐level results are politically meaningful—counties that experienced civil rights protests are associated with greater Democratic Party vote shares even today. This study highlights how social movements can have persistent impacts on a nation's politics.