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Abstract
Introduction
In Colombia, research on health and conflict has focused on mental health, psychosocial care, displacement, morbidity, and mortality. Few scientific studies have assessed health system functioning during armed conflicts. In a new period characterized by the implementation of the peace agreement with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) armed group, understanding the effects of armed conflict on the health system, the functions, and institutions shaped by the conflict is an opportunity to understand the pathways and scope of post-conflict health policy reforms. Therefore, this study was conducted to assess the effects of armed conflict on the health system, response, and mechanisms developed to protect medical missions during armed conflict in Colombia.

Methods
This research was conducted using a qualitative approach with semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions. The qualitative guide collected information in four sections: (1) conflict and health system, effects and barriers in health service provision, (2) actions and coordination to cope with those barriers, (3) health policies and armed conflict, and (4) post-accord and current situation. Twenty-two people participated in the interviews, including eight policymakers at the national level and seven at the local level, including two NGOs and five members of international organizations. An academic project event in December 2019 and four focus groups were developed (World Cafe technique) to discuss with national and local stakeholders the effects of armed conflict on the health system and an analytical framework to analyze its consequences.

Results
The conflict affected the health-seeking behavior of the population, limited access to healthcare provision, and affected health professionals, and was associated with inadequate medical supplies in conflict areas. The health system implemented mechanisms to protect the medical mission, regulate healthcare provision in conflict areas, and commit to healthcare provision (mental and physical health services) for the population displaced by conflict.

Conclusion
The state's presence, trust, and legitimacy have significantly reduced in recent years. However, it is crucial to restore them by ensuring that state and health services are physically present in all territories, including remote and rural areas.

The South Caucasus continues to be critically important to Eurasian security. The outbreak of fighting in April 2016 between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the breakaway republic of Nagorno-Karabakh introduced new uncertainty and confrontation to the region. Russia's policies here are crucial, as they are in the region's other ethno-political conflicts, in Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Sergey Markedonov offers an insider's perspective on the Kremlin's involvement in the region, highlighting its security concerns and stressing that Russia is not taking a universal approach to all of the post-Soviet conflict zones. While the "Western" political and expert community often assumes that territorial revisionism is a kind of idée fixe within Russia, this is far from the case. Each situation demands an individual response from Moscow, as it weighs and pursues its own interests. This in turn explains the improbability of "Crimean situations" multiplying in the South Caucasus. The region undoubtedly harbors risks of confrontation - not only between Russia and the countries of the immediate region but also with such large powers as the US, the EU, Turkey, and Iran - but it also holds several opportunities for cooperation.

How is religious controversy resolved? Although no definitive and agreed-on rule exists for determining constitutionally appropriate standards for sectarian behavior in the public workplace, an assessment of current research provides a framework to understand the diverse interests that this controversial issue engenders. This article traces the historical and legal evolution of the separation of church and state, provides a framework that more clearly defines salient issues, and poses recommendations for the public employer who faces the controversies created by the clash of secular and sectarian interests. In so doing, the article aims to provide both the public employer and employee with a deeper understanding of the complex issues concerning religious expression in the workplace.

Abstract
Anthropization processes confront local wildlife with a new set of conditions that may lead to local extinctions or allow the expansion of some species. This is what happens with the coypu (Myocastor coypus) in gated communities in the metropolitan area of Buenos Aires (Argentina), where its rapid population growth results in continuous conflicts with the local inhabitants. The aim of this study was to document the daily and seasonal activity patterns and behavior of the coypu in an urban landscape within their natural distribution range. To achieve this, we conducted a camera-trap survey within areas occupied by the species from February to November 2018. The coypu activity was mainly crepuscular and nocturnal with variations between seasons. We found that the seasons with the greatest activity patterns overlap were winter and autumn (84%), while the least overlap was observed between summer and winter (53%). During the active periods, time spent on foraging behavior was dominant. Time dedicated to vigilance was greater in summer than in winter. This result, alongside an increase in nocturnal activity during summer, shows that coypu in this urban landscape shift its behavior when exposed to an increasing human activity. This study brings up more ecological data of this species, which is key to find alternative control methods within gated communities to lead to a harmonic relationship between inhabitants and the species in its native distribution.

Freedom of choosing/believing religion/credo is a right guaranteed by the state (Article 28 E point (2) UUD 1945). Nonetheless, that freedom has become a mere myth since the state involves in violation against the freedom of religion/credo towards the minorities in solving their conflict in several places, particularly in Central Java. This research investigates the responsibility of the state towards that conflict using normative and empiric law approach as problem-solving methods. The result of this research shows several things. First, there found unfairness in the state in solving conflict amongst religious people; Second, there found an involvement from certain religion follower (which supported by the state servant) in conflict amongst religious people and in other violation against the freedom of religion; Third, it has not been unclear the acts of responsibilty from the state about their behaviours; and Fourth, there found no any way for the victims towards state's behavior, to claim their rights. To solve the problem, it needs to be arranged in a normative or politic way about how the state takes responsible in dealing with conflict amongst religious people, either as a mediator or as the perpretator of discrimination or the offender of freedom of religion. Besides, we need also to find some ways for the victim to defend their rights and their freedom.Key words: freedom of religion, conflict, discrimination, responsibility of the state.

The end of the Cold War brought with it a growing optimism about the new world order. It was believed that the political project of liberal modernity (democracy, rights and freedom, individuality and rationality) would at last become a broader reality. The "new wars" which erupted in the 1990's curtailed some of this optimism, but at the same time turned out to be a key moment to expand this liberal project. In fact, notwithstanding the destruction brought on by these violent conlicts, their treatment as deviant behavior that must be put right has reinforced (1) the political program of liberal modernity as a path to peace and (2) the international consensus around this image. Peace-building emerged as the key strategy to bring modernity to such scenarios. However, despite ideological and functional goals, in practice the ontological modernity rhetoric of empowerment was transformed into a technical, hierarchical tool, becoming part of a broader governance framework. This article aims to explore the cumulative discourse produced by the interaction between the ideological and functional components of the political peace-building project. Not only do we argue that the self-sustaining mechanisms of this project can be more widely applied to a growing number of settings, but also that they have captured the minds of those who engage in the project's critical assessment. As such, we will irst focus on the terms and context which have allowed for this political project to gain its unique status. Secondly, we will address both the theory and policy program that have been designed to respond to scenarios of violent conlict. Finally, we will address some critical inferences regarding the project and illuminate the double process of normalization it fosters: materialistic on the one hand, hermeneutical on the other. This study aims, therefore, to contribute to a self-relective critical research agenda.

The French labor market is characterized by high unemployment, a very strong segmentation and a high degree of conflict. This thesis returns, in four articles, to the origins of this situation and the public policies that can remedy it. ; Le marché du travail français se caractérise par un chômage élevé, une segmentation très forte et un degré de conflit important. Cette thèse revient, dans quatre articles, sur les origines de cette situation et sur les politiques publiques pouvant y remédier.

The French labor market is characterized by high unemployment, a very strong segmentation and a high degree of conflict. This thesis returns, in four articles, to the origins of this situation and the public policies that can remedy it. ; Le marché du travail français se caractérise par un chômage élevé, une segmentation très forte et un degré de conflit important. Cette thèse revient, dans quatre articles, sur les origines de cette situation et sur les politiques publiques pouvant y remédier.

The French labor market is characterized by high unemployment, a very strong segmentation and a high degree of conflict. This thesis returns, in four articles, to the origins of this situation and the public policies that can remedy it. ; Le marché du travail français se caractérise par un chômage élevé, une segmentation très forte et un degré de conflit important. Cette thèse revient, dans quatre articles, sur les origines de cette situation et sur les politiques publiques pouvant y remédier.

The French labor market is characterized by high unemployment, a very strong segmentation and a high degree of conflict. This thesis returns, in four articles, to the origins of this situation and the public policies that can remedy it. ; Le marché du travail français se caractérise par un chômage élevé, une segmentation très forte et un degré de conflit important. Cette thèse revient, dans quatre articles, sur les origines de cette situation et sur les politiques publiques pouvant y remédier.

The French labor market is characterized by high unemployment, a very strong segmentation and a high degree of conflict. This thesis returns, in four articles, to the origins of this situation and the public policies that can remedy it. ; Le marché du travail français se caractérise par un chômage élevé, une segmentation très forte et un degré de conflit important. Cette thèse revient, dans quatre articles, sur les origines de cette situation et sur les politiques publiques pouvant y remédier.

This article examines the role of family structure in the self-reported lifetime and past month use of marijuana within a sample of American children. The research makes comparisons between youths living in two parent homes where both the biological father and mother are present and those who live in single parent, stepparent, or nonparent families. The results show that youths living in two parent families are far less likely to report ever having used marijuana, associate with marijuana using friends, or have siblings who use marijuana. Youths from two parent families, even those typified by high levels of tension in the household, are shown to report less use of marijuana than youths from low or high conflict homes where one or both of the biological parents are absent. The findings are similar for both males and females. Implications of the results as well as directions for future research are presented.

What are the domestic determinants of international conflict? I employ elements of salience theory to build an issue emphasis approach to foreign policy. I argue that parties and candidates in democracies credibly signal their foreign policy position prior to their election and that leaders live up to their foreign policy position. Significant research explains how both the behavior of other states and domestic political institutions may constrain leaders, so there are reasons to doubt leaders may be able to match deeds with words. Some scholars have integrated measurements of partisanship into their theoretical explanations, but extant scholarship has not effectively introduced the foreign policy position of the executive into the equation. Using this approach, we can connect competing foreign policy platforms to conflict behavior in a new way. I estimate initiation of militarized interstate disputes by democracies from 1951–2000 in the empirical test, and the results provide support for the hypothesis.

Objective: This study investigated the relationship between joint physical custody and children's mental health, and tested whether interparental conflict moderated the association. Background: Joint physical custody is an emerging post-separation care arrangement that is expected to counter the negative effects of family dissolution on children's overall well-being. There is, however, substantial disagreement about the impact that joint physical custody may have on children's mental health when interparental conflict is high. Method: The statistical analysis was based on data from the Family Models in Germany (FAMOD) study, which was conducted in 2019. The analytical sample consisted of 1,087 post-separation families practicing either sole physical custody or joint physical custody. Linear regression models were estimated to determine the relationship between physical custody arrangements, interparental conflict, and children's mental health problems. Results: Living in a joint physical custody arrangement was positively related to children's mental health, whereas high levels of interparental conflict were negatively related to children's mental health. However, when levels of interparental conflict were high children in joint physical custody arrangements displayed levels of mental health problems that were quite similar to those of children in sole physical custody arrangements. Conclusion: The findings emphasize that joint physical custody is not a "one-size-fits-all model" that is suitable for all post-separation families, and that it is only beneficial for children's mental health when interparental conflict is low.

ObjectiveThis study examines the impact of perceptions of young Indian adults about Chinese products in Indian markets upon their purchase behavior, especially after the border conflict in Doklam.MethodologyWe have analyzed data collected from a randomly selected sample of 339 educated urban individuals (18–40 years). Binary logistic regression was conducted to estimate the likelihood of buying Chinese products given their level of acceptance among those respondents who are aware of the Indo‐China conflict.FindingsYoung Indians mainly focus on quality and price while purchasing a product, and not the country‐of‐origin (COO). Those who took the social media messages to ban Chinese products seriously, concerned about the dominance of Chinese products in the Indian market, and check if the COO is China demonstrate significantly aversive purchase intention towards Chinese products. On the contrary, the odds of purchase decision making getting influenced by Indo‐China conflict is significantly lower for them who have some preference for Chinese products over its Indian substitutes.ConclusionsFeeling of animosity does not result in considerable hostility against the willingness to buy Chinese products, when price, quality, brand awareness, and non‐availability of appropriate Indian substitutes matter more. However, if the sense of animosity is utilized well, Indian manufacturers, especially the MSME sectors, can gain entrepreneurial opportunities and mileage.