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"In the formation process of the nation-state, there took place processes analogous to globalization. People and things moved on a nationwide scale and local regions and people became homogenized and also differentiated. Such process can be called 'nationalization'. By taking its meaning as a more comprehensive one than ever, we can understand the formation process of the nation-state more accurately. Also we have to differentiate 'nationalization' from 'modernization'. We regard that modernization is the process of disembedding people from various 'existences' in which they have been embedded. In the course of disembedding, people began to regard 'existences' as means and obstacles for 'actions'. That is to say, 'predominance of actions over existences' has occurred. The reason why such 'predominance of actions' has taken place can be made clear by introducing 'symbolic media' which reduce 'existences' to something on each standard. In history symbolic media have been conflicting and allying with each other. 'Predominance of actions', that is to say, modernization advanced through such conflicts and alliance." (author's abstract)

Since its launch, Esperanto has attracted people involved in language politics. For them Esperanto provides an equitable solution when international problems are discussed, overcoming the barrier posed by the use of national languages and identities. However, its relation with the nation-state is far from being straightforward. Although a significant majority of the Movement claims Esperanto to be a neŭtrala lingvo, a neutral language, this has been fiercely contested by Esperanto activists committed to advancing particular programs for changing the world. From a sociolinguistic point of view, all Esperanto speakers are at least bilingual and quite often multilingual, without exception, so they always belong at least to one speech community in some way connected with a nation-state. This article illustrates the different facets of the Esperanto Movement from its beginning in 1887. Particular attention is paid to the concept of neutralism and how it has evolved in time. From the belle époque, Esperanto has been forced to re-define its position according to changes in sociopolitical contexts. In the current era of "glocalization", where the spread of English worldwide is counterbalanced with old and new forms of local identities often linked with minority languages, Esperanto represents an alternative to the idea that global English leads to more social inclusion.

Acknowledgments -- Notes on transliteration and participants -- Introduction: gulag vs. Promised land : metaphors of destination and transnational social fields -- Genesis : Ukraine -- Markets, moralities, and motherhood in transition -- Exile : Italy -- Italy's context of reception and connections to Ukraine -- Narratives from the gulag -- Inna: Becoming capitalist in europe -- Tatiana: Sacrificing for motherhood -- Oksana: Talent shows performing family, nation, and ethnicity -- Yuriy: Negotiating post-soviet masculinities -- Lydmyla: A family aspiring to be European -- Social patterns in exile -- Exodus : the United States -- California's context of reception and state-based integration -- Narratives from the Promised land -- Viktoria: Married to the U.S. state -- Dariya: Discovering my capitalist "I" in the United States -- Kateryna: Defining children's success in the Promised land -- Zhanna: Reinventing babushka across migration waves -- Halyna: Undocumented but playing the green card lottery -- Social patterns in exodus -- Conclusion: berehynia femininities, cossack masculinities, and new nationalisms -- Appendix -- Bibliography -- Index

This work examines the transformation from the one Muslim state with one khalifah (caliph) to the nation state under Islamic law. It examines the status quo of multiplicity of Muslim states from the perspective of classical Muslim scholars to find out that the transformation from one caliph to dozens of heads in separate Muslim states is not averse to the opinions of top experts of Islamic law even in early Islam. How is the imam (head of state) appointed under Islamic legal discourse and whether the existence of different Muslim states with their own imam violate the cardinal principle of 'one caliph rule' of the Shariah. According to Imam Juwayni, it is possible to appoint two or more imam for one Muslim state either to avoid fitnah or if it is difficult for one imam to serve Muslims of far off places or islands. There are four different methods of appointing an imam according to Shah Wali Allah Dihlavi. Dihlavi has based these methods on the way the four successors of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be on him) had been chosen. Efforts for the one caliph rule must be abandoned as it is not practicable today to have one caliph for the whole Muslim world. The paper further asks whether shura and democracy are compatible. Islamist thinkers have differed on this issue. Finally, Islamist thinkers and others have yet to come up with the blue print of a model shura system.

Across Europe the late nineteenth century marked a period of rapid economic change, increased migration, religious conflict, and inter-state competition. In Germany, these developments were further accentuated by the creation of the imperial state in 1870-1871, and the conflicting hopes and expectations it provoked. Attempting to make sense of this turbulent period of German history, historians have frequently reverted to terms such as industrialization, urbanization, nation-formation, modernity or modernization. Using the prism of comparative urban history, Oliver Zimmer highlights the limitations of these conceptual abstractions and challenges the separation of local and national approaches to the past. He shows how men and women drew on their creative energies to instigate change at various levels.Focusing on conflicts over the local economy and elementary schools, as well as on nationalist and religious processions, Remaking the Rhythms of Life examines how urban residents sought to regain a sense of place in a changing world - less by resisting the novel than by reconfiguring their environments in ways that reflected their sensibilities and aspirations; less by lamenting the decline of civic virtues than by creating surroundings that proved sufficiently meaningful to sustain lives. In their capacity as consumers, citizens, and members of religious or economic associations, people embarked on a multitude of journeys. As they did, larger phenomena such as religion, nationalism, and the state became intertwined with their everyday affairs and concerns.

For almost two centuries substantial research in Sociology, Political Science, History and Anthropology has focused on the state, the nation, nationalism, and national identity. Despite a very remarkable amount of knowledge and intelligent theorizing a number of questions need revisiting and more encompassing comparative work is needed. Here, I offer an argument that involves three areas seldom, if ever, compared: Western Europe, South America, and North America (particularly the United States). The period spans from the sixteenth century to the 1930s but I specially focus on the epoch that starts in the 1750s. The length of the period under scrutiny allows testing correlations among variables over long periods of time. First, I revisit the concept of 'nation' and stress that nations are intellectual constructs as much as they are cultural and imagined ones. Second, I emphasize the state's conceptualizing of the nation as a key independent variable connected to the construction of national identity. Third, I bring some findings of the philosophy of language to bear upon the ways states conceptualize nations and construct their public discourse in relation to national identity. Fourth, I argue that rather than other important factors such as the cultural, ethnic, and linguistic characteristics of the national community, the construction of national identity depends upon the modernization of bureaucracies (in Max Weber's sense) and the characteristics of the civil service. I am particularly interested in the way modern bureaucracies institutionalize meaning. Finally, I suggest that the terms nation-state and national-state have contributed more to a theory of the state than to a theory of the connections between states and nations. I therefore redefine these terms and add a third concept ('state-nation') in order to better capture the relations between states and nations in the regions compared. I identify the relation between states and nations as one of codependency and I claim that different types of codependency are connected to the consolidation of different types of political regimes. During the last two and a half centuries codependency between states and nations has progressively augmented, despite the ups and downs of globalization, different types of international conflict, and changes in the global economic cycle.

Textiles have played a key role in local and national cultures not only because of their utility and functionality, but also in terms of the symbolic value that they have for a particular social group, populace, or nation. Given the erratic and myriad nature of these communities, the focus of this article is on mapping out differentiation in the designs of contemporary wooly socks that find their source of inspiration in an imaginary of Finland celebrating its national centenary in 2017. In this endeavor, the article refines how an idea of a nation is reflected on through knitted craftwork, and how the divergence and layeredness of these designs not only reaffirms and evokes traditions but also develops the culture of knitting in contemporary times. In conclusion, the article contributes to the decoding of a textile design process in reflection of the recollection of the experiences of rootedness, the reproduction of the expression and the use of communicative images, and the negotiation of hybrid social realities voiced through the materiality of making. ; Textiles have played a key role in local and national cultures not only because of their utility and functionality, but also in terms of the symbolic value that they have for a particular social group, populace, or nation. Given the erratic and myriad nature of these communities, the focus of this article is on mapping out differentiation in the designs of contemporary wooly socks that find their source of inspiration in an imaginary of Finland celebrating its national centenary in 2017. In this endeavor, the article refines how an idea of a nation is reflected on through knitted craftwork, and how the divergence and layeredness of these designs not only reaffirms and evokes traditions but also develops the culture of knitting in contemporary times. In conclusion, the article contributes to the decoding of a textile design process in reflection of the recollection of the experiences of rootedness, the reproduction of the expression and the use of communicative images, and the negotiation of hybrid social realities voiced through the materiality of making. ; Peer reviewed

The delivery of education in refugee camps has become a key component of humanitarian programs. Since the late 1980s, camps have become the dominant way through which refugee movements are managed around the world (Agier, 2014). Children, the perfect embodiment of the innocent victim, are particularly targeted by humanitarian aid. When refugee situations become protracted and the temporary permanent, their learning structures tend to be become actual schools made of an administration, a teaching staff and a curriculum. Generally funded and coordinated by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), these camp schools contribute today to the schooling of almost 3,5 millions of refugee children (UNHCR, 2019). Going beyond an idealized vision of education as a "basic human right" and an instrument of "protection," this article looks at the ways in which humanitarian aid contributes to establishing the school norm in the margins of the Nation-States while at the same time being closely intertwined with the politics of controlling human mobility. Based on the case studies of schools in two Congolese refugee camps (in Tanzania and Rwanda), we explore which registers of legitimization and understandings of the child they are built on; how they are governed and negotiated on a daily basis by multiple actors; and how they are perceived by the students. What emerges from this analysis are a variety of tensions that characterize the dynamics of these schools: they simultaneously include their students in and exclude them from the dominant social order; they victimize them at the same time as they project them as future citizens, and they (re)produce the conditions of their confinement while creating opportunities for certain socio-spatial mobilities.

In Belize, a project for building a new capital emerged in the early 1960s, just after the ravages of Hurricane Hattie, which had destroyed much of the colonial capital, Belize City. According to the common narrative, Belmopan was the answer to a natural threat. But this article will show that it was also a political strategy, intended to give the country a new, modern face, the symbol of a young nation on the road to independence (1981). One of the issues of this post‐colonial state is the definition of a national 'us' and the place of ethnic groups inherited from the British colonial administration's policy of 'divide and rule'. The article shows that the politicisation of ethnicity entails neither its integration in the state nor its institutionalisation by the parties, but rather the emergence of 'citizenship from below'.

International audience ; In Belize, a project for building a new capital emerged in the early 1960s, just after the ravages of Hurricane Hattie, which had destroyed much of the colonial capital, Belize City. According to the common narrative, Belmopan was the answer to a natural threat. But this article will show that it was also a political strategy, intended to give the country a new, modern face, the symbol of a young nation on the road to independence (1981). One of the issues of this post-colonial state is the definition of a national 'us' and the place of ethnic groups inherited from the British colonial administration's policy of 'divide and rule'. The article shows that the politicisation of ethnicity entails neither its integration in the state nor its institutionalisation by the parties, but rather the emergence of 'citizenship from below'.

International audience ; In Belize, a project for building a new capital emerged in the early 1960s, just after the ravages of Hurricane Hattie, which had destroyed much of the colonial capital, Belize City. According to the common narrative, Belmopan was the answer to a natural threat. But this article will show that it was also a political strategy, intended to give the country a new, modern face, the symbol of a young nation on the road to independence (1981). One of the issues of this post-colonial state is the definition of a national 'us' and the place of ethnic groups inherited from the British colonial administration's policy of 'divide and rule'. The article shows that the politicisation of ethnicity entails neither its integration in the state nor its institutionalisation by the parties, but rather the emergence of 'citizenship from below'.

International audience ; In Belize, a project for building a new capital emerged in the early 1960s, just after the ravages of Hurricane Hattie, which had destroyed much of the colonial capital, Belize City. According to the common narrative, Belmopan was the answer to a natural threat. But this article will show that it was also a political strategy, intended to give the country a new, modern face, the symbol of a young nation on the road to independence (1981). One of the issues of this post-colonial state is the definition of a national 'us' and the place of ethnic groups inherited from the British colonial administration's policy of 'divide and rule'. The article shows that the politicisation of ethnicity entails neither its integration in the state nor its institutionalisation by the parties, but rather the emergence of 'citizenship from below'.

Cover; Half Title; Title; Dedication; Copyright; Contents; Acknowledgments; Introduction; 1. Leon Pinsker: Auto/Emancipation; 2. Theodor Herzl: A Non-Jewish State of Jews; 3. Ahad Ha'am: Neither a "Spiritual Center" nor a "Jewish State"; 4. Vladimir Jabotinsky: A Jewish State of Nationalities; 5. David Ben-Gurion: Jewish States, Non-Jewish States; Conclusion; Notes; Bibliography; Index; A; B; C; D; E; F; G; H; I; J; K; L; M; N; O; P; R; S; T; U; V; W; Y; Z