The Relations between Central Asian States and United States, China and Russian within the Framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization
In: Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations, Volume 8, Issue 3, p. 1-21
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In: Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations, Volume 8, Issue 3, p. 1-21
In: Svobodnaja mysl': meždunarodnyj obščestvennyj žurnal, Volume 61, Issue 2, p. 73-82
ISSN: 0869-4435
In: NATO Review
NATO has accomplished more in the post-Cold War period than anyone imagined when the Berlin Wall came down and it lost its ostensible purpose. But as NATO leaders prepare to meet in Strasbourg/Kehl -- in what will be President Obama's first NATO Summit and should mark France's full reintegration into NATO's standing military structures and the defense planning mechanisms of the Alliance -- challenges include NATO's expansion, its Afghan operation, and its transformation to a leaner organization; and hiding beneath those items, lies an even bigger question: What is NATO's purpose in the 21st century? Figures. Adapted from the source document.
In: The Korean journal of defense analysis, Volume 21, Issue 4, p. 401-416
ISSN: 1941-4641
In: International studies perspectives: ISP, Volume 10, Issue 3, p. 265-284
ISSN: 1528-3585
In: Vereinte Nationen: Zeitschrift für die Vereinten Nationen und ihre Sonderorganisationen, Volume 57, Issue 1
ISSN: 0042-384X
The Alliance of Democracies is a deeply American idea, borne of the U.S.'s dissatisfaction with the UN, nourished by negative experiences in Bosnia, Somalia, Rwanda, Kosovo & most recently in Myanmar, when the paralyzed Security Council prevented resolute action. However, it would be fatal for this Alliance of Democracies to turn into an exclusive club that shuts out states from decision-making processes & creates a two-tier system. After all, global security issues can only be dealt with by including the big nations, especially China & Russia. The Iraq crisis has shown that, when it comes to the fundamental questions of war & peace, the lines of conflict cut right across the democracies in the UN. Therefore it is doubtful that the United States would allow itself to be influenced by such a coalition if a Joint decision did not correspond with its interests. Ultimate responsibility for security & peace in the world still lies & must lie with the UN Security Council. Adapted from the source document.
In: Parameters: journal of the US Army War College, Volume 38, Issue 1, p. 30-42
ISSN: 0031-1723
In: Defense and security analysis, Volume 24, Issue 3, p. 237-245
ISSN: 1475-1801
In: Korea and world affairs: a quarterly review, Volume 32, Issue 2, p. 146-161
ISSN: 0259-9686
World Affairs Online
In: American foreign policy interests, Volume 30, Issue 5, p. 281-287
ISSN: 1533-2128
In: The journal of strategic studies, Volume 30, Issue 4, p. 863-903
ISSN: 1743-937X
The article investigates China's strategic partnerships with Russia, the European Union (EU), and India. The bulk of it is devoted to a comprehensive inquiry into Sino-Russian strategic partnership. An analysis is also offered on China's strategic partnerships with EU and India. Through a comparative study, it is clear that these partnerships are driven by a common political commitment by China and the other three major powers to maintaining a mutually positive interactive pattern in their relationships. Despite competitive dynamics in these dyads, China's partnership diplomacy has reflected its successful effort to remold great power politics such that the international environment is overall friendly to its rise. Adapted from the source document.
In: American foreign policy interests, Volume 28, Issue 6, p. 425-431
ISSN: 1533-2128
In: Internationale Politik: das Magazin für globales Denken, Volume 61, Issue 1, p. 98-100
ISSN: 1430-175X
Schroder's statement regarding the role of NATO has driven calls for a more "political" alliance to revitalize the transatlantic relationship after the Iraq debacle. There are numerous good reasons for a stronger dialogue in the framework of NATO. Not only will the EU not be at "eye level" with the US for some time, the collective approach of NATO is qualitatively different than a bilateral process, & the differing membership enables a discussion & military handling beyond the EU states. A central characteristic of a more political NATO is a broader, more comprehensive strategic debate, which will facilitate the embedding of military operations in broader political strategies for post conflict concerns & encourage dialogue with other governmental & non-governmental players. The build up of close relationships between NATO & the UN, the EU, & NGOs will be a challenging task in the coming years, but the transatlantic security relationship requires a forum in which Europe & America can both create a dialogue in which the entire spectrum of options, from common threat analysis to military planning, to interventions can be comprehensively coordinated. This forum is currently & for the foreseeable future NATO. L. Reed
In: Foreign affairs, Volume 84, Issue 4, p. 164-178
ISSN: 0015-7120
World Affairs Online