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During the 21st century, the African continent, it has become increasingly important within the international system. In this process, African natural resources gained a central role in other states. It is against this backdrop that various doors have been opened to African countries around a new configuration of the international system, where we are increasingly seeing that different international actors are becoming more prominent; whether economically, militarily, technologically, etc. Africa is currently facing a range of opportunities, where international actors such as China, the United States and Russia gained significant importance. However, during the 21st century, there was also a significant growth in African economies, which helped shape a new positioning of African states during the current century (MORASSO 2015). In relation to the above, this economic development not only contributes to African redeployment within the international system, but also contributes to Africa's position as a new scenario of international interest, in which the dispute over the financial markets and the partial controls of financial flows become even more relevant. In these frameworks, we note that Africa is in a clearly compromising situation, where the interest of different countries can be observed by interacting the states of the continent historically and significantly remotely (compared to the major empires that began their colonising waves and culminated in the distribution of Africa around 1913). In this context, countries such as China started the race on the old continent by articulating multidimensional cooperation spaces (Marchetti, 2016). In the face of this situation, Russia has not chosen to remain sidelined and has decided to re-project itself on the African continent. In this bid, the Euro-Asian country is looking for allies that are not interpelled by the United States or the People's Republic of China. Despite being the last major international player to join Africa, it is clear that Africa has a ...

After 1990, a renewal of political history studies on Latin America started. One of the central themes has been the process of citizenship training. It is proposed to put forward a systematic perspective on the learning and exercise of citizenship in Bolivia as a political process in which it is important to understand the dynamics revealed by political mobilisation. In this way, it is important to interpret the electoral offence evidenced by fraud, clientelism and violence. In addition, the escalation of armed citizenship as a democratising factor in society and politics. ; Peer reviewed ; After 1990, a renewal of political history studies on Latin America started. One of the central themes has been the process of citizenship training. It is proposed to put forward a systematic perspective on the learning and exercise of citizenship in Bolivia as a political process in which it is important to understand the dynamics revealed by political mobilisation. In this way, it is important to interpret the electoral offence evidenced by fraud, clientelism and violence. In addition, the escalation of armed citizenship as a democratising factor in society and politics. ; Proyecto I+D HAR 2010-17580 ; After 1990, a renewal of political history studies on Latin America started. One of the central themes has been the process of citizenship training. It is proposed to put forward a systematic perspective on the learning and exercise of citizenship in Bolivia as a political process in which it is important to understand the dynamics revealed by political mobilisation. In this way, it is important to interpret the electoral offence evidenced by fraud, clientelism and violence. In addition, the escalation of armed citizenship as a democratising factor in society and politics. ; Después de 1990 comenzó una renovación de los estudios de historia política sobre América Latina. Uno de los temas centrales ha sido el proceso de formación de la ciudadanía. Se pro- pone una perspectiva sistemática sobre el aprendizaje y ejercicio de la ...

Islamic finance signifies more than a projection of religious affiliation. The importance of Islamic finance is increasing in central Asia, both as a source of capital and as a form of post-colonial market-building. In central Asia, it is an important facet of the new phenomena of 'nation-branding' and a means of reinvigorating the economy. In identity politics, Islamic finance projects an attitude of religious tolerance allowing states in the region to reposition their geopolitical identity relative to the Islamic community. This creates a 'performance' of Islamic finance that facilitates the creation of legitimacy for the state. Adopting Islamic finance projects images of the state's religious tolerance and diversity without changing the underlying structures; it suggests an 'Islamicness' that is useful to the development and post-colonial goals of the state. As such, it creates opportunities for geopolitical alliances with Muslim countries. Economically, it appeals to rising financial-industrial elites seeking new investment-opportunities, which reduces pressure on the state to democratize. Meanwhile, in Russia, Islamic finance is an alternative source of capital for the sanctions-hit state and a useful identity marker with which to connect to the increasingly wary Caucuses and Commonwealth of Independent States countries, lending it a wider significance across Eurasia. (International Affairs (Oxford) / SWP)

In this article we will analyse the main approaches to which the Putin doctrine refers. Russia presents itself to the international community as responsible for the sustainability of Russian civilisation and as leader of an opposition movement to Western civilisational imperialism. The EU is trying to diversify its international relations by developing new partnerships, in particular with China. However, the Russian military intervention alongside Bashar el Assad in Syria and the Ukrainian crisis largely undermine these efforts to build new alliances. While the new partnership with China is not called into question, its positioning as a pole of resistance to Western civilisational imperialism is at risk. The regained strength and opposition to the West's hegemonic claims are factors which largely explain President Putin's exceptional popularity. However, the Russian economy remains fragile and its modernisation is necessary to reduce its dependence on energy exports. However, this modernisation is expected to be difficult due to its new isolation from European dynamics. V. Putin will it be able to maintain its level of popularity despite a difficult economic situation? ; International audience In this article we will analyze the main approaches to which the Putin doctrine belongs. Russia presents itself to the international community as responsible for the protection and development of Russian civilization and as leader of a movement opposed to Western civilizational imperialism. Russia is trying to diversify its international relations by developing new partnerships, particularly with China. However, Russian military intervention alongside Bashar al-Assad in Syria and the Ukrainian crisis have largely undermined these efforts to build new alliances. If the new partnership with China is not challenged, on the other hand, its positioning as a pole of resistance to Western civilizational imperialism is compromised. The regained power and the opposition to the hegemonic policies of the West are factors that largely ...

International audience ; À l'aube du XXe siècle, l'Espagne en tant que puissance coloniale mondiale vacille suite à la perte de ses territoires antillais et océaniens au profit des États-Unis. L'impérialisme espagnol se recentre désormais sur le continent africain, tout en se heurtant aux ambitions rivales de la France, de la Grande-Bretagne et de l'Allemagne. Le Maroc constitue un théâtre majeur de ces rivalités inter-impériales. En 1912, une série de traités franco-hispano-marocains divise le pays en plusieurs zones : tandis que la ville de Tanger est définie comme une zone internationale, le nord est placé sous protectorat espagnol et le reste du pays sous protectorat français. Dans cet ouvrage tiré d'une thèse, Irene González González explore les politiques éducatives espagnoles au nord-Maroc jusqu'à l'indépendance (1956) et l'émergence d'un réseau d'écoles nationalistes à partir de 1925.

The debate about the conceptual and chronological meaning of the notion of "State" finds its poles between the institutions of the ancient world, on one side, and the modern ones, on the other. Should monarchies of early modern be considered as States? What does "modern" mean in this case? This paper will try to reflect on the internal conflicts (political and religious, with the nobility, the Church, and the cities) and the external ones (with neighboring kingdoms and empires outside Europe), which were raised by the power-concentration processes involving the emergence of centralized State monarchies of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, to whom modern historians often call "modern States". ; El debate acerca de los límites conceptuales y cronológicos referidos a la noción de Estado oscila entre dos polos en su aplicación a las instituciones de la Antigüedad, por un lado, y de la contemporaneidad, por el otro. ¿Deben considerarse estados las monarquías de la primera modernidad? Por otra parte ¿En qué consiste esa modernidad? En este trabajo trataremos de reflexionar acerca de los conflictos internos (políticos y religiosos, con las noblezas, la Iglesia, las ciudades) y externos (con reinos vecinos e imperios extraeuropeos) suscitados por los procesos de concentración del poder que implicó el surgimiento de las monarquías centralizadas de los siglos XVI y XVII, que los historiadores modernistas suelen denominar Estado Moderno. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

International audience ; L'articolo analizza "Il cristiano errante" di Edoardo Scarfoglio, un breve resoconto di viaggio – pubblicato nel 1893 nella rivista "La Nuova Rassegna" – che riporta una parte del viaggio compiuto in Etiopia nel 1891. Questo testo si distingue da altri esempi di letteratura coloniale italiana della stessa epoca che avevano intenzioni enciclopediche e informative. Qui il viaggio, senza descrivere in modo preciso il mondo africano, fornisce un pretesto per la rappresentazione della soggettività del narratore. D'altronde la presenza della morte e della malattia, scolpite nel paesaggio naturale e umano dell'Africa, così come nel corpo del viaggiatore stesso, conduce l'autore a descrivere questo viaggio seguendo i toni dell'elegia. La scelta stilistica è funzionale alla condanna della politica coloniale condotta fino ad allora dall'Italia.