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International audience ; This essay provides a concise overview of the current state of political-administrative relations in Europe's Parliamentary democracy. It is more particularly focused on presenting the implications that the growth of independent regulatory agencies (IRAs) has had on such relationship, and on reviewing the empirical evidence in support of three distinct scenarios-one in which politicians abdicate their control power over IRAs to the benefit of interest groups; one where IRAs maintain and expand their autonomy or de facto independence both vis-à-vis politicians and interest-groups; and one where politicians regain control over IRAs and their decisions. I argue that even if the second scenario has received extended empirical support, politicization under the regulatory order could well be underestimated with broader implications for political-administrative relations that are briefly introduced.

Different from ordinary discourse, the institutional nature of courtroom discourse has attracted much scholarly attention in the field of applied linguistics and professional discourse studies. Previous studies have examined the lexico-grammatical features and asymmetric power relations inherent in courtroom communication. However, little research has investigated the hybridizing construction of judges' discourse and the contextual clues that may shape such discursive construction. Under the framework of Critical Genre Analysis (Bhatia, 2017), this study examines 25 video recordings of criminal court trials in the Chinese mainland. The findings indicate a reciprocal relationship between the interdiscursive mechanism of judges' discourse in criminal trials and the relevant social, cultural, and institutional background. The study also discusses the constituents of the overall courtroom discourse against the background of the social and political realities of the Chinese mainland

El presente artículo realiza un análisis crítico de los modelos co nocidos que explican o articulan la legitimación del poder supranacional utili zando con la Unión Europea como paradigma. El objetivo consiste en establecer en qué medida cada uno de ellos está más cerca o más lejos de las coordenadas del constitucionalismo democrático –soberanía popular y derechos, imperio de la ley–. A través del texto se describiendo el que sería, según la autora, el modelo ideal. ; This article analyzes critically the different doctrinal justification of the legitimacy of the supranational power, using the EU as the reference exam ple. The aim of this paper is to establish to what extent each one of the models respect the democratic standards (sovereignty, human rights, rule of law). Besides, the text does propose the ideal model.

The Beer Hall Putsch in 1923 served as a steppingstone for the Nazi party to gain national attention, and made the Nazis focus more on propaganda and activism than on revolution to gain political power. This poster examines an example of Nazi propaganda after the Putsch, analyzing the political essay "Why Do We Want to Join the Reichstag," by Joseph Goebbels, published in April 1928 for the May parliamentary campaign. In this essay, Goebbels's anticipated how the Nazis ran for the Reichstag and how the Nazis were a political party that was against the government. Goebbels's essay highlighted the rhetorical shift the Nazis had embraced since the Putsch: from revolutionaries to political activist party. This poster demonstrates how Nazi propaganda and goals shifted after the failure of the Beer Hall Putsch, showing the Nazis more versatile propaganda tactics after 1923.

Over the years, the Middle East has played a diverse role in Soviet and later Russian foreign policy. During the period of rivalry between the USSR and the US, it was an important area of confrontation. After its end, the Russian Federation became immersed in crisis and lost interest in the region. The Middle East again appeared in the Kremlin's geostrategic thinking after the Arab Spring which the Russian authorities perceived as fuelled and directed by the West, especially the US. The consequences of these social upheavals in the form of the overthrow of the Libyan leader or the explicit aspirations of the West to remove Bashar al-Assad from power, led Vladimir Putin to take action. This article is an attempt to interpret Russian actions in Syria, including its military involvement, through the prism of the Kremlin's neo-superpower policy.

Beach being the mainstay of the tourism sector in the Samber-Binyeri's Village where the community dominated as customary society that still applies the customary rules in the life of a society as local wisdom identity. By combining the description of management and the concept of people-centered community participation, this research aims to know the role of customary society in managing the potential of nature tourism in the village of Samber-Binyeri. Used descriptive qualitative exploratory approach with observational, interviews, and documentation research techniques then done by triangulating the data, obtained a result as the role of the civil society based on the level of participation perceived the delegated power. The nature of community involvement that is people centered by observing public values, economic values, cultural and social values, political values, educational values and ecological values.

This study simulates the macro-micro economic impacts of the employment policy, focusing on hysteresis in youth unemployment in South Africa. Specifically, we apply a dynamic computable general equilibrium model to calibrate the 2015 South African Social Accounting Matrix to estimate, compare, and determine the impact of employment policy on youth unemployment as well as on aggregate economic outcomes. We simulate two scenarios where we reduce the import price of fuel by 20 per cent. Then, the total government savings from the reduced transport subsidy are reallocated to the education sector to support the unemployed youth. The research findings indicate that demand for youth labour increases in the long run, resulting in a decline in the unemployment rate. Moreover, the consumer price index decreased more than nominal income, thereby increasing household purchasing power and, potentially, easing poverty.

Minoan glyptic in the Final Palatial Period frequently contains iconographic devices, such as figure-of-eight shields, impaled triangles, but also plant devices, many of which are conventionally understood as symbols. These devices regularly occur on a group of LM II-III hard-stone seals, which this contribution aims to explore in the context of societal change in this period. Rather than attempting to understand the semantic significance of the symbols, the iconographic elements on the group of Final Palatial seals are considered in their syntactical arrangement, revealing patterns of interchangeability. This is taken as the basis to explore the motivation and intentionality behind the creation of these seals. Set against the sociopolitical background of the period, it is suggested that these novel seals were part of a social strategy aiming to promote claims to ideological and political power.

The article examines the constitutional foundations of the legitimacy of public authorities, concludes that their activities correspond to the political interests of Russian citizens. The problem of the legitimacy of the activities of public authorities in the Russian Federation and the process of their legitimation, after the constitutional amendments, acquired particular relevance. Participation in the management of state affairs is determined by the peculiarities of the modern system of organization of power, as well as the ability of citizens to influence the functioning of the activities of its bodies, which makes it possible to determine the degree of legitimacy of public administration. The author, analyzing the existing structure of public authorities through the prism of the legitimacy of their activities, identifies some problems of an organizational nature and suggests ways of solving them in this regard.

The ongoing conflict between agribusiness and Brazilian indigenous peoples is one of the largest conflicts in contemporary Brazil. It combines territorial dispute with racial, ethnic, and environmental issues. On the one hand, as the Brazilian economy mainly relies on agriculture, agricultural business has consolidated power across the country, strongly supported by the government. On the other hand, indigenous communities have been fighting for decades to have their territory demarcated and to ensure their people‟s security and rights. Apart from unsettled issues between indigenous communities and agribusiness, confrontation is aggravated by social intolerance and the heritage of colonialism. Despite being one of the most violent and widespread conflicts in the country, it is often disregarded and silenced by the Brazilian media, and the Brazilian society is barely aware about it.

How do leaders matter? What do leaders want? Grandiose narcissism provides a pathway to understanding how personality can impact a leader's preference formation and foreign policy behavior. More narcissistic leaders will focus their efforts on maintaining their inflated self-image by selecting how they will fight on the world stage and who they will fight against. While most leaders will divert attention to easier won battles, more narcissistic leaders will prefer to fight against high-status states by themselves. This article introduces a new measure of US' presidential narcissism, and finds support for the argument that more narcissistic US presidents prefer unilaterally initiating Great Power disputes using data from 1897–2008. A brief review of Theodore Roosevelt's handling of the Venezuela Crisis of 1902–1903 is used as a plausibility probe of the theory's causal mechanisms.

What makes humour an honest and a direct communication tool for people? How do social networking and digital media transmit user-generated political and humorous content? Our research argues that the way in which humour is deployed through digital media during protest action allows protestors to assert humanity and sincerity against dehumanising political manipulation frameworks. Humorous content, to this extent, enables and is indicative of independent thinking and creativity. It causes contemplation, confronts the hegemonic power of the oppressor, and challenges fear and apathy. In order to conduct this research, we collected and analysed tweets shared during the Gezi Park protests. Gezi Parkı was chosen as the keyword since it was an unstructured and neutral term. Among millions of visual images shared during the protests, we concentrate on those that depict humour both in photography and video formats.

his study discusses the prohibition of ex-corruption convicts who registered themselves as legislative candidates. Even this is supported by Article 7 paragraph 1 letter g PKPU. However, the Bawaslu (Election Oversight Body) allowed it and it is also supported by Yasonna Laoly, Minister of Justice and Human Rights of Indonesia, with the consideration that the regulations stipulated by PKPU contradict Law No. 7 of 2017 which states that ex-convicts are considered to have the same political rights as other citizens, a right guaranteed by the constitution. This study employs political contestation theory that explains the actions or processes that are disputed, for example ideological contestation on social policy, as well as political electoral theory that explains a system for making political decisions in which individuals gain the power to decide through competitive over people's voices.

How do we explain the Falklands War? In this article we revisit this episode through a counterfactual analysis using recently declassified documents. These sources cast additional doubt over the diversionary war and miscalculation theses. The evidence suggest that long-term power dynamics and psychological biases affecting the members of the Argentine military Junta better explain the decisions that led to the war. ; ¿Cómo se explica la Guerra de Malvinas? En este artículo revisitamos este episodio a través de un análisis contrafáctico utilizando nueva evidencia documental. Estas fuentes ponen en duda la tesis de la guerra de distracción y la tesis del error de cálculo. La evidencia sugiere que dinámicas de poder de largo plazo y sesgos psicológicos afectando a los miembros de la Junta militar argentina explican de mejor manera las decisiones que llevaron a la guerra.

Within a global context, local government in New Zealand occupies an enviable position: it enjoys both a statutorily-defined 'power of general competence' and financial autonomy from central government. However, despite this, voter turnout rates in New Zealand local elections continue to fall as ever fewer New Zealanders engage in this fundamental act of civic engagement. This review article examines the decline in voting over the last four New Zealand local government elections (2010/13/16/19). It aims to do three things: plot the decline; identify and analyse the causes of this decline; and suggest ways in which the decline might be countered. The authors reach the conclusion that local government in New Zealand is at a crossroads – it will either be rejuvenated as a source of local democracy and prosper, or decline into an administrative arm of central government.