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Introduction: metropolis and India --The antinomies of progress --Poverty and progress --Slavery and progress --Colonialism and progress --Progress and the human order --Progress and its antitheses --Desarts of Africa or Arabia --The needy villains' gen'ral home --Tricks of the town --The vast torrent of luxury --India in European cosmography --Forraigne sects --The intimate connexion --Discovery of the metropolitan residuum --Gothic heaps of stone --Late eighteenth-century travel in India --Early evangelical activity --The conversion of heathens --A complete cyclopaedia --Unknown London --Metropolitan evangelicalism --Racialization of the poor --Wandering tribes --Mayhew's legacy --So immense an empire --A new mode of observation --The privilege of the traveller --Racialization of India --Castes of robbers and thieves --In darkest England --The meaning of dirt --Degeneration and desire --Crowds bred in the abyss --Problems of the race --The great museum of races --Urban mythology --Nascent ethnology --1857 and its aftermath --Discovery of caste --Race and progress.

ABSTRACT: National development remains clearly elusive in some regions of the world. And democracy is frequently proposed as the catalyst of development for such locations. This presupposes that development was stunted by the dearth of democracy in these environments. At the heart of the undemocratic tendencies in the affected nation states is the phenomenon of strongmen in government. These genres of leaders usually detest the notion of the Rule of Law, as the very bedrock of development. They candidly although, project national interest as the superior paradigm of progress in these nations, giving rise to the scenario of competing models of national development for such places. This paper is a contribution to the reconciliation of the conflicting issues. Its premises are derived from the disciplines of law, political science and development studies. The work is framed on the experiences of the Nigerian nation state in West Africa. KEYWORDS: rule of law, democracy, national interest, national development

Côte d'Ivoire produces about 42 percent of the world's total Cocoa but processes only a very few amount of the production. A big part of the country depends on the commercial benefits of the Cocoa production and supply chain of it. For that reason, the World Bank asked the simulation group of the Amsterdam U. of Applied Sciences in collaboration with the Port of Amsterdam to develop a simulation model that allows the politicians assess the performance of the supply chain of the Cocoa in that region of the world. The simulation model gave light to the potential of improvement in the supply chain by identifying inefficiencies, bottlenecks and blockers that hinder the efficient transport of Cocoa in the chain with the consequence of low productivity. The most important results are presented in the article together with suggestions for improvement in order to increase the wellbeing of the farmers in that region of Africa.

The fate of the minority in a bi-communal state cannot easily be studied using contemporary theories of integration. This article employs a certain number of variables, regrouped under the concepts of institutional constraints and cultural constraints, which allow for measurement of the strength of the minority. Four countries are studied, all in process of development: Cameroon and Mauritius in Africa, and Cyprus and Lebanon in the Middle East. From the point of view of institutional constraints, the following variables are considered relevant: the statutory "ethnic" composition of the legislative assembly, the type of executive (presidential or responsible cabinet), and the type of protective veto power which rests with the minority. Finally, the state of inter-community relations prior to independence, the presence or absence of a major Power protecting the minority community, and the philosophy of the régime as understood by the country's leaders serve as indicators of cultural constraint.

Regional cooperation, once largely the preserve of democracies, is now seen in many regions characterized by autocracy. Indeed, authoritarian leaders increasingly cooperate regionally, above all to augment the resilience of their regimes. While the output from this cooperation differs considerably from liberal-democratic regionalism, the experience of European integration nevertheless sheds light on an important underlying dynamic within this growing autocratic cooperation. Indeed, as with early and mid-stage
European regional integration, authoritarian regionalism is driven by functional demands arising from the limited access nature of their regimes. However, countervailing ideational dynamics (such as the increasing salience of identity and legitimacy issues), which affect regional cooperation, are present in many cases.
These counter-functional dynamics largely pre-date regionalist efforts but appear to be exacerbated by
regional cooperation. This paper examines the interplay between functional demands and counter-functional dynamics in the context of 'protective regionalisms' in Eurasia, the Gulf, and West Africa. As global politics becomes more polarized, with regionalism seen as a source of strength for authoritarian states, the dynamics and underlying logics of such projects become increasingly important.

Nach einer langen Phase der Zurückhaltung fanden im Südchinesischen Meer seit Oktober 2015 bereits drei "Freedom of Navigation"-Operationen der USA statt. Neben dem Regionalkonflikt zwischen China und südostasiatischen Anrainerstaaten wird das Südchinesische Meer damit zunehmend auch zum Schauplatz einer ordnungspolitischen Auseinandersetzung zwischen den USA und China. Dabei werden seerechtliche Prinzipien und das Seerechtsübereinkommen unterschiedlich ausgelegt. Ob die "Freiheit der See" aber aufrechterhalten oder eingeschränkt wird, hat erhebliche geopolitische und militärstrategische Folgen. (Europäische Sicherheit & Technik / SWP)

"The international dynamic to which the global financial crisis has led in the international summit architecture offers a grand opportunity to effect the global governance reform that had begun so auspiciously in the period leading up to 2005, the year of UN reform, in order then to falter. Here the Heiligendamm Dialogue Process (HDP) can play an important role as a forum for intensive, policy-specific, and in-depth reform debates. The Heiligendamm Dialogue Process, created by the G8 in 2007, may play an important role as a forum for intensive, policy-specific, and in-depth reform debates, providing a contribution to giving North-South relations a new and more inclusive shape. The present paper analyses what results the HDP has generated thus far, inquiring into the conditions required if it is to be continued successfully. The paper offers suggestions for various reform scenarios, taking current global dynamics into account (in particular the G20 financial summit). The study is based on the premise that global problems like the financial crisis or climate change can be effectively addressed only with the aid of a more inclusive and representative coordination body at the top level of global governance." (excerpt)

Abstract
This article explores the political dimension of Junot Díaz's work, focusing on the figure of the dictator as depicted in the footnotes to The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao, in an attempt to analyze his view of the "dangers of dictatorship" in both literature and politics and to prove that the political attitudes of writers influence the way their literature "does" politics. Thus, a thorough analysis of the footnotes exposes The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao as a story about a nerd in New Jersey "dictated" by the narrator, which is challenged by the story of Rafael Leonidas Trujillo who "dictated" the recent history of the Dominican Republic.

Fukuyama's conception of political order centers on the state, the rule of law, and popular accountability, but does not adequately account for how international factors affect these elements of contemporary governance. Focusing on the history of the People's Republic of China (PRC), the article notes how international sources of political order shaped each element of Fukuyama's framework: conflict and war strengthened the PRC's state apparatus, international institutions helped provide the rule of law that undergirded China's economy growth, and international norms influenced how the Chinese state sought and received popular legitimacy. Each of these factors will continue to influence the political development of the PRC going forward.

"This book, with theoretical and practical analyses of comparative political systems of Eastern countries (Asia and Africa), their political process and political cultures, describes and analyses the influence of political culture on political process in the Eastern world. It gives readers an opportunity to make a comparative appraisal of maturity of civil society in these countries as well as their specifics in political interactions and internal political competition seen through the eyes of a group of distinguished Russian researchers. The book concentrates also on specifics of political-economic and political modernization in the East, and assesses the prospects of an emergence of a Western as well as a non-Western democracy in the framework of Eastern political transformations. It also explains why the one-dimensional spread of democracy — completely negating or neglecting regional political-cultural specifics — may lead to war among civilizations instead of the formation of a more just and fair system of democratic governance."--Publisher's website

How do states build a security apparatus after violent resistance against state rule? This article argues that in early periods of state building two main factors shape the process: the macro-strategic goals of the state and administrative challenges of personnel management. These dynamics are studied in the context of the establishment of police forces in the settler colony of German Southwest Africa, present-day Namibia. The empirical analysis relies on information about the location of police stations and a near full census of police forces, compiled from the German Federal Archives. A mismatch is found between the allocation of police presence and the allocation of police personnel. The first was driven by the strategic value of locations in terms of extractive potential, political importance, and the presence of critical infrastructure, whereas the allocation of individual officers was likely affected by adverse selection, which led to the assignment of low-quality recruits to strategically important locations.