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"The Coloniality of the Secular explores how decolonial theory can open ways to theorize religion in the Americas. An Yountae maps how revolutionary non-Western thought is shot through with religious ideas, as exemplified by key decolonial figures including Edouard Glissant, Frantz Fanon, and Gloria Anzaldua. By revisiting the corpus of decolonial literature with an eye towards religion, Yountae reveals how decoloniality reconstitutes the sacred as part of its vision of liberation. This incisive reading of decoloniality elucidates how revolutionary thinkers' refusal of colonial religions opens up the possibility for the remaking of religion itself. Across the book's five chapters, Yountae explores decoloniality's conception of the sacred in relationship to revolutionary violence, gender, creolization, and racial phenomenology. By expanding our understanding of decoloniality's investments in the spirit, An Yountae shows how decoloniality provides a radically different epistemology and horizon for the future"--

Overt love of God and country have seemingly been prerequisites to be president in the United States in recent decades, if not always. Indeed, the 2008 presidential race was replete with campaign messages showcasing such perspectives—that Barack Obama and John McCain were religiously faithful and deeply patriotic. Scholarship demonstrates the potential political power of explicit appeals to America and Christianity; however, little research has examined (a) citizens'perceptionsof candidates' ties to faith and nation and (b) how these impressions may be related to electoral attitudes and intended vote. We address this gap, measuring both explicit and implicit indicators of the Christian‐ness and American‐ness of Obama and McCain. We expected and found that both explicit and—in a final‐entry regression position—implicit perceptions of these traits related to voters' overall candidate attitudes and intended vote choice and that they were connected significantly more strongly for our sample of self‐described Republicans than Democrats. Results illuminate these partisan differences and raise questions about their implications for U.S. presidential politics in years to come.

Discusses universal laws of nature defined by physical and mental development the and conditions essential for health. Contains mortality statistics, descriptions of poor living conditions and the deteriorating health of the general population in England. Calls for legislation of better hygiene, health education for youths, and the formation of a National Health Society.

THE AUTHOR TACKLES THE PROBLEM OF "POLITICAL VOCABULARY." SOME THEORISTS USED VOCABULARY THAT WAS CONTEMPORARY AND COULD BE EASILY UNDERSTOOD BY THEIR AUDIENCE, WHILE OTHERS MAY MODIFY OR REVOLUTIONIZE THE LINGUISTIC AND CONCEPTUAL PRACTICES OF THEIR OWN OR A LATER TIME. THE PAPER ANALYZES THE WORKS OF MONTESQUIEU AND CONCLUDES THAT HIS LANGUAGE WAS A SHEWDLY CALCULATED COMPROMISE BETWEEN CONTEMPORARY PRACTICES AND THE SORT OF CHANGES JUDGED NECESSARY TO CONVEY THEORETICAL AND PRACTICAL INNOVATIONS.

The Maryland identity -- A Maryland political history -- Contemporary political patterns -- Maryland public opinion -- Political parties, interest groups, and corruption -- The Maryland Constitution -- The Maryland General Assembly -- The Maryland governor and the executive branch -- The Maryland judiciary -- The politics of taxation and spending -- "Pleasant living" policies and politics -- Maryland in the federal system -- Local governments in Maryland -- Maryland's future -- Further reference for Maryland study

DISSATISFACTION WITH ESTABLISHED MODES OF SCHOLARSHIP IS A contemporary manifestation common to all the social sciences in varying degrees. In the terminology of Thomas Kuhn, which in its widespread adoption seems in no small measure to have contribted to the new waves of methodological consciousness, the prevailing 'paradigms', which were largely consolidated in the 1950s, are being explicitly and often vehemently challenged. A burgeoning critical literature is readily apparent throughout the social sciences and, for that matter, beyond.

Smith reviews Islam, Europe's Second Religion: The New Social, Cultural, and Political Landscape edited by Shireen T. Hunter.

1 Looking for practices -- 2 The emergence of a governance system -- 3 Presbyterial business -- 4 The Kirk session -- 5 Handling finances -- 6 Scottish systemic accountability -- 7 Contrasts and consequences -- 8 Conclusion

Influence of organized drug traffickers on the governments and economies of Colombia and Bolivia; prospects for reform.

Social Media and Politics is a podcast bringing you innovative, first-hand insights into how social media is changing the political game.

Social Media and Politics is a podcast bringing you innovative, first-hand insights into how social media is changing the political game.

A report of the findings of a sample survey carried out in GB during 1960 to examine the relationships between 'objective' SC (determined by occup), self-assessed SC & pol'al loyalties. Manual workers & their adult dependents form 66 2/3% of the L electorate; 40% of these described themselves as Mc & 56% as Wc (4% undecided). While a majority of the first group supports the Conservative Party & a majority of the second group supports Labor, yet in each the minority is so large that we must think in terms of a fourfold division of the `objective' Sc. When asked to describe their pol'al values it is clear that manual workers who consider themselves Mc & vote Labor have something important in common with manual workers who describe themselves as We & vote Conservative: both have a non-class, `altruistic' approach to politics. Similarly manual workers who call themselves Mc & vote Conservative have much in common with manual workers who call themselves We & vote Labor: both give a class & self-interest account of their pol'al motives. A comparison between self-styled Mc & self-styled Wc showed one outstanding diff in their backgrounds: among the children of the former a much higher proportion were receiving or had received higher educ; diff's in income & ownership of durable consumer goods etc, were comparatively slight. AA.

Religion and democracy are not only social institutions but also objects of attitudes. This article focuses on conspiracy thinking and its links with attitudes toward religion and democracy. Due to its contextual character, the study is limited to Poland and the article intends to report the data on the subject from surveys conducted in this country. In terms of conspiracy thinking and attitudes toward religion, the literature review of existing Polish survey data (Study 1) led to the conclusion that not all types of religious life are correlated with conspiracy thinking. Individual spirituality (the centrality of religiosity and the quest orientation of religiosity) matters less in terms of conspiracy thinking than religion understood as a specific element of ideology (Polish Catholic nationalism, religious fundamentalism, or collective narcissism). In terms of attitudes toward democracy (Study 2), the original dataset is coded in a new way (as categorial variables) and then presented. It suggests that, contrary to earlier research, conspiracy thinking does not necessarily lead to the support of anti-democratic attitudes. Alienation as much as radicalization might be a consequence of conspiracy thinking. There is no significant difference in terms of conspiracy thinking between adherents of authoritarian rules and conditional democrats, indifferent democrats, or people with ambivalent opinions on democracy, described in comparative research on political culture as dissatisfied democrats or critical citizens. The lower level of conspiracy thinking has been identified only among consistent democrats.