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Acknowledgments This work has been undertaken with the support of the A*MIDEX project (n ∘ ANR-11-IDEX-0001-02) funded by the "Investissements d'Avenir" French Government program, managed by the French National Research Agency (ANR). We are grateful to Julian Williams, Editor Badi H. Baltagi and an anonymous referee for helpful comments. We are responsible for any errors. ; Peer reviewed ; Postprint

A partir de la crisis a comienzos del nuevo siglo se ha ampliado significativamente la protección social para los estratos de bajos ingresos en Argentina. El presente artículo analiza las dinámicas políticas, las alianzas sociales, las relaciones de poder y las estructuras institucionales que conforman el trasfondo político del desarrollo reciente de la política social en Argentina. Se concluye que la transformación de la política social está relacionada con el fortalecimiento de los sectores marginalizados de las clases populares como actores polí- ticos y su incorporación a la alianza gubernamental de centro-izquierda. --- Social protection for low income earners in Argentina has been significantly expanded since the crisis at the turn of the century. The article analyzes the political dynamics, social alliances, power balances and institutional structures that underlie the recent development of social policy in Argentina. It concludes that the transformation of social policy was linked to the strengthening of the lower popular classes as political actors and their incorporation into a centre-left governmental alliance.

The dissertation presents a comparative analysis of the face and body in contemporary art and visual culture in response to a changing image and body politics after 9/11. The question the dissertation seeks to answer is how artists can raise awareness on new, questionable technologies like facial recognition software, Google Glasses and Google Earth or drones that try to reduce the human body to an algorithmic information. The answer, it seems, is to be found in artist's works by Hito Steyerl, Trevor Paglen, Omer Fast and more that rupture the myth of a foolproof surveillance and war technology by developing critical documentary and visual activist practices as their own visual strategy. The dissertation analyzes both the process of digitization and the historical roots of photography and portaiture. ; (HIAR - Histoire, art et archéologie) -- UCL, 2016

International audience ; SAFEST (Severe Accident Facilities for European Safety Targets) is a European project networking the European corium experimental laboratories with the objective to establish coordination activities, enabling the development of a common vision and research roadmaps for the next years, and of the management structure to achieve these goals. In this frame, a European roadmap on corium experimental research has been written to define research challenges to contribute to further reinforcement of Gen II and III NPP safety. It is based on the research priorities determined by SARNET SARP group as well as those from the recently formulated in the NUGENIA Roadmap for severe accidents and the recently published NUGENIA Global Vision report. It also takes into account issues identified in the analysis of the European stress tests and from the interpretation of the Fukushima accident. 19 relevant issues related to corium have been selected during these prioritization efforts. These issues have been compared to a survey of the European corium experimental facilities and corium analysis laboratories. Finally, the coherence between European infrastructures and RandD needs has been assessed and a table linking issues and infrastructures. It shows a few lacks in EU corium infrastructures, especially in the domains of core late reflooding impact on source term, RPV vessel failure and corium release, Spent Fuel Pool accidents, as well as the need for a large mass prototypic corium facility.

This paper examines the effects of political pressure groups (lobbies) on the emissions abatement decisions of countries and on the stability of international environmental agreements. We consider two types of lobbies, industry and environmentalists. We determine the influence of lobby-groups on the abatement decisions of countries. This influence affects members of an international environmental agreement as well as outsiders. However, in the case of agreement members, the effects of lobbying are not restricted to the lobby's host-country but spill over to other member countries and have ambiguous effects on the agreement stability.

Рассматриваются внешние вызовы, с которыми столкнулась международно-политическая наука. Анализируется потребность осмысления процессов глобального перераспределения власти, места России в международной политике с позиций ее интересов и ценностей в формирующемся полицентричном мире. ; The external challenges facing the international political science are considered. The demand for a rethink of the processes of global change of the balance of power and the role of Russia in international politics as shaped by its interests and values in the forming polycentric world is considered.

The dissertation presents a comparative analysis of the face and body in contemporary art and visual culture in response to a changing image and body politics after 9/11. The question the dissertation seeks to answer is how artists can raise awareness on new, questionable technologies like facial recognition software, Google Glasses and Google Earth or drones that try to reduce the human body to an algorithmic information. The answer, it seems, is to be found in artist's works by Hito Steyerl, Trevor Paglen, Omer Fast and more that rupture the myth of a foolproof surveillance and war technology by developing critical documentary and visual activist practices as their own visual strategy. The dissertation analyzes both the process of digitization and the historical roots of photography and portaiture. ; (HIAR - Histoire, art et archéologie) -- UCL, 2016

Most work on the UK's judiciary reflects the assumption that the institutional issues raised by attitudinal studies of the US Supreme Court are irrelevant to the UK because the UK's judiciary is not political. This article challenges those assumptions. We present an empirical and theoretical analysis of the 'doctrinal model' of judicial decision-making in the upper judiciary of the UK, that is to say, of the position that judges decide cases on the basis of doctrinal positions rather than political views, and argue that it has far more in common with the attitudinal model than is conventionally assumed. We elaborate upon this through an empirical analysis of decisions of the Law Lords on challenges to state bodies over a twenty-five year period, which estimates judges' ideological positions on a scale derived from doctrine. We find that (a) there are meaningful and measurable differences in judicial positions in key doctrinal controversies (b) these differences have an impact on the outcome of a significant minority of cases. Our results support the view that doctrinal positions are more salient than party-political ideology in the UK context, but also demonstrate that even faithful adherence to a doctrinal model does not affect the validity of the insights of the attitudinal model in relation to the role and impact of judges' personal views. We show that on a proper understanding, doctrinal adjudication raises the same questions of institutional structure and design emphasised by the attitudinal model, and that these questions assume particular significance given changes to the British judiciary's institutional role.

This article presents a normative critique of the coherence of democracy promotion in the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). As an immanent critique, the paper derives its normative standards internally from an analysis of key ENP policy documents. It is argued that democracy promotion is in conflict with some of the other goals of the ENP such as market liberalisation, trade policy reforms and private sector development. Further, the incentive of market integration is argued to undermine democracy promotion. Though the ENP's current way of pursuing the goal of democratisation is normatively incoherent, this article also argues that incentivising democratisation through conditionality is not inherently contradictory. Two potential ways democratisation could be coherently promoted are suggested: delimiting the policy to unilateral transfers conditional on democratisation alone ('simple transfers'), or offering EU membership to ENP countries ('no integration without incorporation').