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This paper investigates whether states, which are post transition from dictatorship to democracy, engage in a narrower form of political education in schools, focussing on the transmission of declarative knowledge, with the result that they produce citizens more likely to accept the status quo than to critically analyse and attempt to transform it. Attitudinal and behavioural data from the European/World Values Surveys is used to test this hypothesis with regard to the five new eastern states in Germany, i.e. the former German Democratic Republic. The data was collected at three points in time during the decade directly following its reunification with West Germany in 1990. Three of the WVS items selected for the purpose of this research relate to reported attitudes towards politics and society, including expressed level of interest in politics. Three are behavioural and relate to reported previous political action and expressed likelihood of engaging in future political action. The results indicate that there was an initial period directly following the fall of the Berlin Wall which was characterised by positive attitudes towards the possibility of effecting political and social change together with high levels of interest in politics and engagement in political action. However, seven and nine years later, the picture was somewhat different with a tendency towards more passive, compliant views reflected in an increased desire for order and authority and lower levels of motivation to participate politically and to effect change. Implications are considered.

With digitalisation, deepening globalisation and population ageing, the world of work is changing. The extent to which individuals, firms and economies can harness the benefits of these changes critically depends on the readiness of adult learning systems to help people develop relevant skills ...

The problems created by rapid expansion of educational systems in the underdeveloped states of Asia, Africa and South America are the subject of a large and diverse literature.1 Familiar to even the most cursory student of this literature are several themes: (1) the 'devaluation' of elementary education, which no longer affords entry into white-collar positions as it did in the late colonial periods; (2) the persistent and diffuse 'elite' connotations of higher (and even secondary) education, the supply of which, while increasing, remains relatively short; (3) the skewed distribution, within higher education, toward 'traditional' disciplines—notably law and the humanities—reflecting the values of the colonial system and running against perceived needs for technological skills; and finally, the concern over the 'destabilizing' consequences of a growth in educational access and aspirations disproportionate to the economy's ability to 'fit' much of tne-educated-manpower into the system.

Higher education for displaced students is rarely the focus of academic literature in the context of the United States, despite 79.5 million people displaced worldwide as of December 2019 and 3 million refugees resettled in the United States since the 1970s (UNHCR, 2020). An estimated 95,000 Afghans will be resettled in the US by September 2022, and the executive branch has requested $6.4 billion in funds from Congress to support this resettlement process (Young, 2021). This represents the most concentrated resettlement in the US since the end of the Vietnam War. It is therefore clear that policy supports for displaced students represent a pressing educational equity issue. This paper applies critical policy analysis to state-level policies supporting displaced students and argues that both data gaps and policy silence characterize the current state of play. ; L'éducation supérieure pour les étudiants déplacés est rarement au centre de la littérature académique aux États-Unis, malgré le fait qu'il y ait 79,5 millions de personnes déplacées à travers le monde en date de décembre 2019 et que 3 millions de réfugiés se soient réinstallés aux États-Unis depuis les années 1970 (UNHCR, 2020). Un nombre estimé de 95 000 Afghans seront réinstallés aux États-Unis en septembre 2022 et le pouvoir exécutif a demandé 6,4 milliards de dollars de fonds au Congrès afin de soutenir ce processus de réinstallation (Young, 2021). Cela représente la réinstallation la plus concentrée aux États-Unis depuis la fin de la Guerre du Vietnam. Il est donc clair que les politiques de soutien aux étudiants déplacés représentent un enjeu urgent d'équité en matière d'éducation. Cet article applique une analyse critique des politiques publiques aux politiques au niveau de l'État soutenant les étudiants déplacés et soutient que les lacunes au niveau des données et le silence politique caractérisent l'état actuel de la situation.