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The objective of this article is to propose a reflection for a better and more precise understanding of what is implied in the formation in citizen competencies according to the assessment of the Saber Test. The first section will offer a reflection on the primary function of the axiological-political order that the constitutional values and principles have within the Colombian Political Constitution. The second section will present the multiple constitutional values and principles themselves that are the conceptual grounding for the exercise of the democratic citizenship; in order to do so, we will refer to the Constitutional text and to the Judicial Sentences of the Constitutional Court of Colombia in which the philosophical and political groundings are specified. In the last section, and as a conclusion, some finals remarks from a constitutional pedagogy scope, based on our research, will be given in accordance with the 41st article of the Constitution. ; El objetivo del presente artículo es proponer una reflexión que contribuya a una mejor y más precisa comprensión de lo que implica la formación en competencias ciudadanas según lo evaluado en las Pruebas Saber. En la primera sección se reflexionará en torno a la función primordial en el orden axiológico político que tienen los valores y los principios constitucionales en la Carta política colombiana. En la segunda, se expondrán los diversos valores y principios constitucionales que deben servir de piso conceptual para el ejercicio pleno de la ciudadanía democrática. Para ello nos remitiremos, tanto a la constitución misma como a un conjunto de sentencias de la corte constitucional en las cuales se especifican los fundamentos filosófico-políticos de nuestra constitución política. Finalmente, y a manera de conclusión, presentaremos otras reflexiones a partir del trabajo investigativo desde una visión de pedagogía constitucional, teniendo en cuenta lo exigido en el art. 41 de la Constitución.

This thesis examines the unequal nature of the citizenship of Kenya's Nubians. The Nubians of Kenya trace their origins to the Egyptian slave armies of the nineteenth century. Brought by the British to Kenya as soldiers they were categorised as detribalized natives during the colonial era, neither settler nor fully native. This anomalous status has carried over into the postcolonial political community, and the Nubians can today be considered ethnic strangers. Far from being liminal in an inconsequential sense, the various ways in which the Nubians have occupied anomalous social, political and legal categories since they arrived in Kenya have been symptomatic of the hierarchical and exclusionary tendencies of the colonial and post-colonial citizenship regimes. This thesis argues that the Nubians are not full citizens, but citizens minus. They experience an unequal and insufficient quality of citizenship. The deficit in the Nubians' citizenship can be measured by the extent to which they lack participatory parity. Although (most) Nubians now have formal membership in the form of citizenship status (a national identity card), they are lacking in social and political standing, that is, lacking in effective membership. Treated as inferior and limited to the margins of the political community, it is more difficult for Nubians to exercise their rights, and both their formal membership and those rights are insecure. In understanding these deficits, this thesis explores three mechanisms which sustain the Nubians' marginalisation as ethnic strangers and citizens minus: discrimination in relation to access to national identity cards, the withholding of collective recognition as a tribe of Kenya, and the withholding of recognition of Nubian land in the form of communal land title. In evaluating these mechanisms the thesis draws on political theories of recognition and connects the Nubians' exclusion from full citizenship to the widespread privileging of indigeneity and autochthony as conditions of full citizenship in Kenya. In making this argument, the thesis addresses a number of critical questions about the nature of citizenship in Kenya, arguing that national citizenship in Kenya is largely subordinate to and defined by ethnicity. Throughout the thesis, and particularly in the final chapters, the thesis seeks to understand the Nubians' response to their marginalisation, and the reasons why, and ways in which, they affirm a role for ethnicity in public affairs. In the final chapter the thesis engages in a critique of this role, and an exploration of a moderately transformative approach to ethnicity in the form of moral-inter ethnicity. Such an approach may allow Kenyans to affirm the importance of ethnicity in daily life and in the polity, without affirming ethnic parochialism and inter-ethnic competition, and thereby undermining equal citizenship.

Corruption is a very deviant act, dangerous and detrimental. This action is carried out by abusing a position that has been trusted by many people. And this action is a selfish act because it is only for self-interest. Corruption is a deviant behavior or crime that is socially and legally prohibited. The problem of corruption in Indonesia is increasingly rampant starting from the central government, regional government, which is very detrimental to the life of the Indonesian nation and state, this causes people to think that politics justifies all means. This requires an effective corruption eradication and prevention strategy. By establishing Anti-Corruption Education and Pancasila Citizenship Education. Youth must be given a mindset of the dangers of corruption and play an active role in preventing corruption. The implementation of anti-corruption education is carried out by studying problems related to corruption which consists of four parts, namely problems, alternative policies, proposed solutions and part of the action plan. This activity is so that students will acquire some desired attitudes such as honesty, discipline, responsibility, hard work, humility, courage and justice. This education should be focused on activities and processes that are productive, creative, skill development, personality, integration, excellence, moral and spiritual. Implementation of Anti-Corruption Education aims to be able to develop positive values in students. Through this education, you can develop good character and personality values. By establishing the Anti-Corruption Education movement and Pancasila Citizenship Education, it is hoped that it will help the process of eradicating and preventing corruption by the Indonesian Corruption Eradication Commission.

Deliberation researchers have started to question the commonly assumed association between democracy and deliberation, arguing that public deliberation in authoritarian regimes is not only theoretically possible, but also empirically existent. Echoing their speculation that deliberation may lead China to different political trajectories, this study examines the political impacts of authoritarian consultation and deliberation by analyzing data from sample surveys conducted in multiple rural areas in Zhejiang province. The results show that both individuals' discursive experience and the level of discursive institutionalization have positive impacts on state legitimacy, and that deliberation tends to exert a stronger influence on promoting state legitimacy in an area with less fully developed discursive institutions. In contrast, individuals' discursive experience and institutional levels play far weaker roles in fostering citizenship characteristics. The implications of the findings for China's political future are discussed.Deliberation researchers have started to question the commonly assumed association between democracy and deliberation, arguing that public deliberation in authoritarian states is not only theoretically possible, but also empirically existent. Echoing their speculation that deliberation may lead China to different political trajectories, this study examines the political impacts of authoritarian consultation and deliberation by analyzing data from sample surveys conducted in multiple rural areas in Zhejiang province. The results show that both individuals' discursive experience and the level of discursive institutionalization have positive impacts on state legitimacy, and that deliberation tends to exert a stronger influence on promoting state legitimacy in an area with less fully developed discursive institutions. In contrast, individuals' discursive experience and institutional levels play far weaker roles in fostering citizenship characteristics. The implications of the findings for China's political future are discussed.

AbstractResearch shows that the more people identify with a national in‐group, the more their citizenship representation becomes in line with the citizenship discourse attached to this national‐identity. However, although national identification may lead to a preference for a specific citizenship representation, national identification might itself depend on preexisting citizenship representation preferences. In line with this, a longitudinal study among Flemish‐Belgian high‐school students (N = 275) showed reciprocal relations between national identification and citizenship representation. A second study among Flemish‐Belgian high‐school students (N = 407) then showed that strength of national identification does not simply depend on preexisting citizenship representation preferences but on the (mis)match between such preferences and the citizenship representation perceived to be attached to a national‐identity. In addition, results showed that the relation between national identification and out‐group attitudes depends on the national‐identity under consideration.

This article analyses the evolution of the concept of citizenship in the work of Dominique Schnapper as one of the most prominent examples in contemporary sociology of a comprehensive approach to this question. Through an extensive overview of her work, the aim is to deepen the understanding of the tension between the dynamics of democracy and the idea of citizenship both as the ideal type of a social bond and as a regulatory principle for democratic societies. In her early books, she proposes a notion of citizenship linked to the political process of nation building which does not distinguish between the defi nition of a sociological ideal type and the construction of an ideal of society. This confusion is later revised by introducing into the analysis the impact of democracy over individual experiences of citizenship, which provides a very useful analytical perspective both for understanding the dynamics of contemporary democratic societies and for the necessary support of citizenship as a fundamental social bond and as a founding principle of political legitimacy.

The following analysis pretends to establish a discursive comparison between Hugo Chávez Frías (Former President of Venezuela) and Pablo Iglesias (general secretary of Podemos in Spain), and how the new political language promoted by both leaders had affected directly in the citizens. Likewise, to seek and emphasize the origin of the transmitted messages and, in every case, study why they accomplished to have a protagonist in people's life, from a political, social and communicative point of view. ; El presente análisis pretende establecer una comparación discursiva entre Hugo Chávez (ex presidente de Venezuela) y Pablo Iglesias (secretario General de Podemos en España) y cómo el neolenguaje político promovido por ambos líderes ha influido de forma directa en la ciudadanía. Asimismo, buscar y enfatizar sobre el origen de los mensajes transmitidos y, en cada caso, estudiar porqué han logrado tener protagonismo en la vida de las personas, tanto desde el punto de vista político como social y comunicativo.

A review essay on books by (1) Joel S. Migdal [Ed], Boundaries and Belonging: States and Societies in the Struggle to Shape Identities and Local Practices (Cambridge: Cambridge U Press, 2004); (2) John Francis Burke, Mestizo Democracy: The Politics of Crossing Borders (College Station, TX: Texas A&M U Press, 2004; (3) Rogers Smith, Stories of Peoplehood: The Politics and Morals of Political Membership (Cambridge: Cambridge U Press, 2003); (4) Christian Joppke & Ewa Morawska [Eds], Toward Assimilation and Citizenship: Immigrants in Liberal Nation-States (New York: Palgrave-Macmnillan, 2003); & (5) Samuel Huntington, Who Are We: The Challenge to America's National Identity (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2004).

Stranger Citizens examines how foreign migrants who resided in the United States gave shape to citizenship in the decades after American independence in 1783. During this formative time, lawmakers attempted to shape citizenship and the place of immigrants in the new nation, while granting the national government new powers such as deportation. John McNelis O'Keefe argues that despite the challenges of public and official hostility that they faced in the late 1700s and early 1800s, migrant groups worked through lobbying, engagement with government officials, and public protest to create forms of citizenship that worked for them. This push was made not only by white men immigrating from Europe; immigrants of color were able to secure footholds of rights and citizenship, while migrant women asserted legal independence, challenging traditional notions of women's subordination. Stranger Citizens emphasizes the making of citizenship from the perspectives of migrants themselves, and demonstrates the rich varieties and understandings of citizenship and personhood exercised by foreign migrants and refugees. O'Keefe boldly reverses the top-down model wherein citizenship was constructed only by political leaders and the courts. Thanks to generous funding from the Sustainable History Monograph Pilot and the Mellon Foundation the ebook editions of this book are available as Open Access (OA) volumes from Cornell Open (cornellopen.org) and other Open Access repositories. ; This work was sponsored by the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, through the Sustainable History Monograph Pilot.

Il presente lavoro di ricerca si propone di discutere il contributo che l'analisi dell'evoluzione storica del pensiero politico occidentale e non occidentale riveste nel percorso intellettuale compiuto dai fondatori della teoria contemporanea dell'approccio delle capacità, fondata e sistematizzata nei suoi contorni speculativi a partire dagli anni Ottanta dal lavoro congiunto dell'economista indiano Amartya Sen e della filosofa dell'Università di Chicago Martha Nussbaum. Ci si ripropone di dare conto del radicamento filosofico-politico del lavoro intellettuale di Amartya Sen, le cui concezioni economico-politiche non hanno mai rinunciato ad una profonda sensibilità di carattere etico, così come dei principali filoni intorno ai quali si è imbastita la versione nussbaumiana dell'approccio delle capacità a partire dalla sua ascendenza filosofica classica in cui assume una particolare primazia il sistema etico-politico di Aristotele. Il pensiero politico moderno, osservato sotto il prisma della riflessione sulla filosofia della formazione che per Sen e Nussbaum rappresenta la "chiave di volta" per la fioritura delle altre capacità individuali, si organizzerà intorno a tre principali indirizzi teorici: l'emergenza dei diritti positivi e sociali, il dibattito sulla natura della consociazione nell'ambito della dottrina contrattualista e la stessa discussione sui caratteri delle politiche formative. La sensibilità che Sen e Nussbaum mostrano nei confronti dell'evoluzione del pensiero razionalista nel subcontinente che passa attraverso teorici antichi (Kautylia e Ashoka) e moderni (Gandhi e Tagore) segna il tentativo operato dai teorici dell'approccio delle capacità di contrastare concezioni politiche contemporanee fondate sul culturalismo e l'essenzialismo nell'interpretare lo sviluppo delle tradizioni culturali umane (tra esse il multiculturalismo, il comunitarismo, il neorealismo politico e la teoria dei c.d. "valori asiatici") attraverso la presa di coscienza di un corredo valoriale incentrato intorno al ragionamento rintracciabile (ancorché in maniera sporadica e "parallela") altresì nelle tradizioni culturali e politiche non occidentali. ; This research discusses the importance of the analysis of the history of political thought (in both Western as well as non-Western thought forums) for the theory of the capabilities approach as founded and theorised by Amartya Sen (economist at the Harvard University) and Martha Nussbaum (philosopher of law at the University of Chicago). It will examine the impact of the history of political theory in Sen's work which has been strongly influenced by the research of a close alliance between economics and ethics, but this contribution will also examine the most important fields of research of Nussbaum's own version of the approach that finds its origins in the Ancient Greek and Roman political thought and especially in Aristotle's ethical and political system. Ideas and institutions regarding education and lifelong learning philosophy have been chosen as a "prism" in order to study the three Western pillars of political theory which are mostly considered by Sen and Nussbaum and in particular: the emergence of the lexicon of positive and social rights; the debate around the nature of citizenship in the contractualist theory and the very debate around educational policies. Furthermore, this work aims to analyse Sen's and Nussbaum's endeavour to overcome the culturalist and essentialist conceptions championed especially in the contemporary political thought by considering the importance of non-Western legacies and heritage of political argumentation and reflection about politics in India's political philosophy both in the ancient (Kautylia and Ashoka) and contemporary (Gandhi and Tagore) thought. Among these contemporary theories in political philosophy, the normative critique of Sen and Nussbaum faces especially multiculturalism, communitarianism, neorealism as well as the theory of "asian values" by remembering the very existence of political reflection in arenas of thought "other" than the West.

Der Entzug der Staatsbürgerschaft wegen Beibehaltung einer fremden Staatsbürgerschaft (§ 34 Abs 1 Z 3 StbG)Die Grundlage für den Entzug findet sich in § 34 StbG; zuständig für den Entzug sind die Landesregierungen. Betroffen von dieser Bestimmung sind nur Personen, welche die Staatsbürgerschaft durch Verleihung oder Erstreckung der Verleihung erhalten haben, jedoch nicht auf der Grundlage des erleichterten Verleihungstatbestandes des § 10 Abs 6 StbG, welcher die Einbürgerung im Interesse der Republik enthält. Ebenfalls ausgeschlossen vom Entzug sind Personen, die nach der Verleihung bzw Erstreckung der Verleihung der österreichischen Staatsbürgerschaft einen automatischen Erwerbstatbestand erfüllt haben.Die Behörde muss den Betroffenen zumindest sechs Monate vor dem geplanten Entzug über die Einleitung des Entziehungsverfahrens informieren, widrigenfalls der Entzug nicht vorgenommen werden darf. Dies soll dem Betroffenen eine letzte Möglichkeit bieten, doch noch aus seinem bisherigen Staatsverband auszuscheiden oder seine dahin gerichteten Bemühungen einzustellen, um den Eintritt von Staatenlosigkeit zu vermeiden. Grundsätzlich muss die fremde Staatsangehörigkeit binnen zwei Jahren ab Verleihung abgelegt werden. Verstreichen sechs Jahre, darf die Behörde keinen Entzug mehr vornehmen. Des Weiteren erfolgt der Entzug nach § 34 StbG nur, wenn die Beibehaltung der fremden Staatsangehörigkeit aus Gründen erfolgt, welche der Betroffene selbst zu vertreten hat. Hat er jedoch alles ihm Zumutbare sowie rechtlich und faktisch Mögliche getan, so wird ihm die Staatsbürgerschaft nicht entzogen. Falls mit dem Entzug auch der Verlust der Unionsbürgerschaft einhergeht, hat die Behörde eine Verhältnismäßigkeitsprüfung durchzuführen.Das Staatsbürgerschaftsrecht ist Teil des Verwaltungsrechts, daher steht den Betroffenen gegen einen die Staatsbürgerschaft entziehenden Bescheid das Rechtsmittel der Bescheidbeschwerde zu. ; Deprivation of citizenship due to perpetuation of a foreign citizenship (§ 34 section 1 cipher 3 StbG)The basis for the deprivation is § 34 StbG; responsible for enforcing matters concerning citizenship in Austria are the municipal governments. Only people upon whom the Austrian citizenship was bestowed, or in other words, who are not Austrians by descent, can be deprived of the citizenship. As an exception to this rule, people upon whom the citizenship was bestowed due to the fact that the bestowal was in the interest of the Austrian republic and people who, after the bestowal, fulfill the criteria for receiving the Austrian citizenship automatically, cannot be deprived of their citizenship. The competent municipal government has to inform the person whose citizenship may be deprived at least six months before the planned deprivation. Failure to do so makes the deprivation illegal. This serves as a last chance to either abandon the foreign citizenship, or refrain from doing so to avoid becoming stateless. As a basic principal the foreign citizenship must be abandoned within two years of the bestowal. However, after six years the deprivation becomes impossible. Furthermore, for the deprivation to be legal the perpetuation of the foreign citizenship must be due to circumstances which the person in question could have changed. If this person has done everything in his power to abandon the foreign citizenship, he will not be deprived of the Austrian citizenship. In cases where the person would not only lose the Austrian citizenship but also the (European) Union citizenship, the competent municipal government has to review the proportionality of the deprivation. In Austria citizenship law is part of the administrative law. Therefore decisions are made known to the person in question by official notification. The affected person can appeal against such notifications. ; vorgelegt von Susanne Kirchberger ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2015 ; (VLID)782082

The purpose of this article is to present and discuss the data for Portugal of the IntUne survey on elite attitudes towards European integration. Despite some differences between the Portuguese and the European results of the survey, we find that the concept of 'compound citizenship' (M. Cotta, 'A "compound" model of citizenship? European citizenship in the eyes of national elites', Lisbon IntUne General Assembly, 27–30 November 2008) may be applied to the perceptions of Portuguese elites regarding the European Union, and the postulated combination of an indirect European citizenship with a direct one is also verifiable in Portugal. We hypothesise that this European 'compound citizenship' is not conflictive with national citizenship, possessing instead elements for strengthening the linkage between them.