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Although the indigenous West African Dwarf breeds of sheep and goats (the Djallonke) are known to be trypanotolerant and the most predominant livestock species in the highly populated and testes-infested humid zone, they have not received the desired recognition as far as government policy and research efforts are concerned. This study, which was carried out as an integral part of the multi-disciplinary research concept of the International Livestock Center for Africa (ILCA) in southwest Nigeria, was based on the general hypothesis the farmers' incomes and the overall meat supply will increase in the increasingly high demand of improved forms of livestock management, particularly improved health control measures incorporated with improved nutritional base. The study covers general agricultural and socio-economic aspects and examines the present structure and constraining factors to improved sheep and goat production within the existing farming systems typical for the humid zone of west Africa.

Jurisdiction — In general — Territorial — Expropriation of alien property — Property outside territory of expropriating State — Bank account at Pennsylvania bank — Account opened by Pakistan bank in connection with activities of East Pakistan branch — Secession of Bangladesh — Nationalization of branch of Pakistan bank — Whether extending to bank account in Pennsylvania — Act of State doctrine — The law of the United States192States as international persons — In general — Recognition of acts of foreign States and governments — Act of State doctrine — Expropriation — Property located outside expropriating State — Bank account at Pennsylvania bank — Situs — Whether act of State doctrine requires court to give effect to confiscation without compensation if property is located in United States — State succession — Bangladesh — Bank account opened by Pakistan bank in connection with activities of East Pakistan branch — Secession of Bangladesh — Nationalization of East Pakistan branch — Ownership of bank account — The law of the United States

States as international persons — Recognition of acts of foreign states and governments — Duty of non-recognition — Mandate for South West Africa (Namibia) — Termination by UN General Assembly — Security Council resolution declaring South Africa's continued presence illegal — Legal consequences for states — Obligation to recognize illegality and to refrain from inconsistent actsStates as international persons — Composite and dependent states and territories — Mandated and trust territories — Sovereignty over mandated and trust territories — Mandate for South West Africa (Namibia) — Termination of mandate by UN General Assembly UN Security Council resolution declaring South Africa's continued presence and acts in the territory illegal and invalid — Security Council resolution calling on states to refrain from dealings inconsistent with such declaration — Legal consequences of South Africa's continued presence — Legal consequences of Security Council resolution for UN members and non-members — Obligation to recognize illegality and to refrain from acts implying legality

Jurisdiction — In general — Over territory in general and persons and property situated therein — Interference with property of aliens — Right of Congress to freeze assets of nationals of hostile States — The law of the United States of America.State responsibility — Nature and kinds of — For taking of, or interference with, property — Trading with the Enemy Act — Cuban Asset Control Regulations — Constitutional power of Government to freeze and sequester property of nationals of hostile States — The law of the United States of America.Disputes — Unilateral means of redress short of war — Reprisals — Protection of property of nationals abroad — Power to freeze and confiscate alien property at home — The law of the United States of America.Aliens — Position of property protected by Fifth Amendment to United States Constitution — Constitutional power of state to freeze and sequester assets of aliens — The law of the United States of America.

"Cuba is a small planet travelling in its own orbit."—Foreign Minister Raúl RoaThe fifteenth United Nations General Assembly was an exciting one. It met during the cold aftermath of the U-2 affair. It attracted the largest group of world leaders, including Castro, Tito, Nasser, Nehru, Sukarno, Nkrumah, Touré, and Khrushchev, ever to assemble at the UN site. It accelerated the "Africanization" of the UN by admitting during its first part 17 members, 16 from Africa. It was rocked, politically, militarily, and financially, by the Congo crisis, which led to the demand for the ouster of Secretary General Dag Hammarskjold and then to his death. It debated Cuban charges against the United States and the embarrassing Bay of Pigs invasion. In a lighter vein, it produced the first public banging of shoes on a UN table by a head of government.

Whereas, Chapters XII and XIII of the Charter of the United Nations provide for an International Trusteeship System;Whereas, by Article 23 of the Treaty of Peace between the Allied and Associated Powers and Italy, signed in Paris on 10 February 1947, Italy renounced all right and title to the Italian territorial possessions in Africa;Whereas, under paragraph 3 of Annex XI of this Treaty, the General Assembly of the United Nations was requested to make recommendations regarding the future status of the territories referred to in Article 23 thereof;Whereas, under paragraph 3 of Annex XI of this Treaty, the Governments of France, of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and of the United States of America agreed to accept the recommendation made by the General Assembly of the United Nations in this matter;

"Even among failed states-- those countries unable to exercise authority over their territory and provide the most basic services to their people-- Somalia stands apart. A country of some nine million, it has lacked a central government since the fall of Mohamed Siad Barre's regime in 1991. Poverty and insecurity are endemic. Less than 40 percent of Somalis are literate, more than one in ten children dies before turning five, and a person born in Somalia today cannot assume with any confidence that he or she will reach the age of fifty. Failed states provide fertile ground for terrorism, drug trafficking, and a host of other ills that threaten to spill beyond their borders. Somalia is thus a problem not just for Somalis but for the United States and the world. In particular, the specter of Somalia's providing a sanctuary for al-Qaeda has become an important concern, and piracy off Somalia's coast, which affects vital international shipping lanes, remains a menace. In this report, Bronwyn E. Bruton proposes a strategy to combat terrorism and promote development and stability in Somalia. She first outlines the recent political history involving the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) formed in 2004 and its Islamist opponents, chiefly the Shabaab, which has declared allegiance to al-Qaeda. She then analyzes U.S. interests in the country, including counterterrorism, piracy, and humanitarian concerns, as well as the prospect of broader regional instability."--Page vii

В статье рассматривается конфессионально-проблемный подход в изучении религии, анализируется соотношение религии и науки. При этом показано, что именно социально-политические науки способны проводить здесь внятные «смысловые» разграничения и водоразделы, одинаково полезные как для науки, так и для религии. Всякое философское высказывание, как именно сверхсущностное высказывание, всегда аподиктично, т. е. всеобще, необходимо и универсально. Даже если скептически отрицает и первое, и второе, и третье. Философия по определению исследует конечные сущности природы, общества и человека. Исследует конечные сущностные высказывания о вечности. Модернистское ниспровержение вечности противоречиво, так как проводится с позиций именно постоянства и неизменности как всеобщности и необходимости, и в этом смысле сущностное высказывание это религиозное высказывание. «Истус эонас тон эон» «ныне и присно и во веки веков». Любая аксиоматика, и не только религиозно-догматическая, но и научно-аналитическая, основана на принятии или непринятии заведомых, изначальных и предустановленных основ познания. Это исходные установки, которые делают возможными любые доказательства и типы аргументации. Их нужно принять как данность, неочевидную для опыта убеждения. То есть на веру, например аксиому материи, параллельности прямых, дарвинизм или креационизм и т. д. Или речь идет об утверждении творческой и логистико-управленческой причины возникновения и существования мира. В последнем случае, с точки зрения творения и промысла как информационно-коммуникационного процесса в виде Слова Логоса, в виде принятия управленческого решения, можно говорить об интересных взаимоотношениях и взаимодействиях религии, политики и науки. ; The article develops problem-confessional method directed towards study of religion. In this sense political and social sciences are very significant "content-border" both for science and religion. Any philosophical utterance always excludes any controversy, objections or doubts, meaning it is indispensable and universal, even if it denies the first, the second, and the third. Philosophy, by its definition, examines ultimate subject matter of nature, society, and human being. It examines essential utterances on eternity. Modernist's rejection of eternity is controversial, since it was done from the perspective of consistency and permanency as universality and necessity. So, in that sense the essential utterance is a religious utterance. "Istus eonas ton eon" both now and ever, and unto the ages of ages. Any axiomatics, not only religious and dogmatic, but also scientific and analytical, is built upon the acceptance or non-acceptance of obvious, original, and predefined fundamentals of knowledge. It is a basis, which enables any evidence and argumentation. It must be taken for granted, unobvious for persuasion experience. In other words, give the benefit of the doubt, for instance the axiom of matter; the axiom of parallel lines; Darwinism and creationism etc. Otherwise, the matter in question is establishing creative and logistic-administrative cause of the world origin and its existence. In relation to the latter, in terms of creation and Divine Providence as an information and communication process in the form of Word-Logos, in the form of decision-making, it is possible to reveal interesting relation and correlation of religion, politics, and science.

During the country's dictatorship from 1973 to 1985, Uruguayans suffered under crushing repression, which included the highest rate of political incarceration in the world. In Of Light and Struggle, Debbie Sharnak explores how activists, transnational social movements, and international policymakers collaborated and clashed in response to this era and during the country's transition back to democratic rule. At the heart of the book is an examination of how the language and politics of human rights shifted over time as a result of conflict and convergence between local, national, and global dynamics. Sharnak examines the utility and limits of human rights language used by international NGOs, such as Amnesty International, and foreign governments, such as the Carter administration. She does so by exploring tensions between their responses to the dictatorship's violations and the grassroots struggle for socioeconomic rights as well as new social movements around issues of race, gender, religion, and sexuality in Uruguay. Sharnak exposes how international activists used human rights language to combat repression in foreign countries, how local politicians, unionists, and students articulated more expansive social justice visions, how the military attempted to coopt human rights language for its own purposes, and how broader debates about human rights transformed the fight over citizenship in renewed democratic societies. By exploring the interplay between debates taking place in activists' living rooms, presidential administrations, and international halls of power, Sharnak uncovers the messy and contingent process through which human rights became a powerful discourse for social change, and thus contributes to a new method for exploring the history of human rights. By looking at this pivotal period in international history, Of Light and Struggle suggests that discussions around the small country on the Río de la Plata had global implications for the possibilities and constraints of human rights well beyond Uruguay's shores.

Following the popular uprisings that swept across the Arab world beginning in 2010, armed forces remained pivotal actors in politics throughout the region. As demonstrators started to challenge entrenched autocratic rulers in Tunis, Cairo, Sana'a, and Manama, the militaries stormed back into the limelight and largely determined whether any given ruler survived the protests. In Tunisia, Egypt, and Yemen, senior officers pulled away from their presidents, while in Algeria, Bahrain, and Syria, they did not. More important, military officers took command in shaping the new order and conflict trajectories throughout that region. 'Armies and Insurgencies in the Arab Spring' explores the central problems surrounding the role of armed forces in the contemporary Arab world. How and why do military apparatuses actively intervene in politics? What explains the fact that in some countries, military officers and rank-and-file take steps to defend an incumbent, while in others they defect and refrain from suppressing popular protest? What are the institutional legacies of the military's engagement during, and in the immediate aftermath of, mass uprisings? 0Focusing on these questions, editors Holger Albrecht, Aurel Croissant, and Fred H. Lawson have organized 'Armies and Insurgencies in the Arab Spring' into three sections. The first employs case studies to make comparisons within and between regions; the second examines military engagements in the Arab uprisings in Yemen, Bahrain, and Syria; and the third looks at political developments following the cresting of the protest wave in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, and the Gulf. The collection promotes better understanding not only of the particular history of military engagement in the Arab Spring but also of significant aspects of the transformation of political-military relations in other regions of the contemporary world

"In Life Beside Itself, Lisa Stevenson takes us on a haunting ethnographic journey through two historical moments when life for the Canadian Inuit has hung in the balance: the tuberculosis epidemic (1940s to the early 1960s) and the subsequent suicide epidemic (1980s to the present). Along the way, Stevenson troubles our common sense understanding of what life is and what it means to care for the life of another. Through close attention to the images in which we think and dream and through which we understand the world, Stevenson describes a world in which life is beside itself: the name-soul of a teenager who dies in a crash lives again in his friend's newborn baby, a young girl shares a last smoke with a dead friend in a dream, and the possessed hands of a clock spin uncontrollably over its face. In these contexts, humanitarian policies make little sense because they attempt to save lives by merely keeping a body alive. For the Inuit, and perhaps for all of us, life is "somewhere else," and the task is to articulate forms of care for others that are adequate to that truth"--

Many multiethnic polities suffer from a deficit of citizens' support for their political communities. Hence, their governments may think of political decentralisation as a solution. This article analyses the effects of that policy on citizens' identification with their political communities in Spain: on identification with the Basque Country, Catalonia or Galicia (its most conspicuous 'nationalities') once they have become 'autonomous communities', and on identification with the overall Spanish political community. To study the processes of transformation of such attitudes, nation-building theories are interpreted from the political socialisation approach and applied to the autonomous institutions. It is also suggested that the state strictu senso, by contrast, may be developing an alternative method of forging identification with its own political community. Survey time-series evidence shows that although those autonomous communities are engaged successfully in a local but standard nation-building, the whole political system may be fostering its own diffuse support by recognising and institutionalising cultural diversity and self-government. (European Journal of Political Research / FUB)

Проблема взаимосвязи власти и архетипов российской ментальности является актуальной для различных областей социогуманитарного знания (философии, социологии и политологии). Национальная безопасность любого государства зависит от функционирования экономической, политической и социокультурной систем. Цель статьи провести анализ влияния культурного опыта, складывавшегося веками в России, на состояние политической и экономической сфер. Исследование этого вопроса проводится на примере идеи справедливости, принципа «свой чужой» и терпения, свойственных российской идентичности. В статье раскрываются как исторические основания, так и современное состояние данных архетипов. В настоящей статье выявлено, что трансформации в социально-экономической сфере и изменение системы управления привели к атомизации общества. Опыт проведенных реформ в России продемонстрировал также большой запас терпения и выдержку российского народа. В первой части статьи рассматриваются теоретические аспекты вопроса кризисных тенденций, охвативших социокультурную, политическую, экономическую системы западного общества. Во второй части освещаются особенности трансформационных процессов, происходивших последние два десятилетия в российском обществе. В заключительной части на основе данных Всероссийского центра изучения общественного мнения и Института социально-экономического развития территорий Российской академии наук проводится анализ взаимосвязи проблем власти и архетипов российской ментальности. В статье применялись общенаучные методы анализа и синтеза, сравнительный (компаративный) подход. Эмпирическую базу исследования составили данные социологических опросов. Основное преимущество данного метода это возможность опросить значительное количество респондентов в относительно короткие сроки. ; Problem of interconnection between the power and the archetypes of the Russian mentality is urgent for different fields of socio-humanitarian knowledge (philosophy, sociology and political science). National security of any country depends on the functioning of the economic, political and sociocultural systems. The aim of the article is to conduct the analysis concerning the impact of cultural experience, formed over the centuries in Russia, on the state of the political and economic spheres. The investigation of this issue is carried out using the example of the idea of justice, the "friend-or-foe" principle and patience, peculiar to the Russian identity. The article states both historical grounds, and the current state of these archetypes.The author revealed that transformations in the socio-economic sphere and changes in the management system led to automation of society. The experience of the conducted reforms in Russia showed the large supply of patience and endurance of the Russian nation. The first part of the article is devoted to the theoretical aspects of the issue concerning recessionary trends, which covered socio-cultural, political and economic systems of the western society. The second part of the article describes the peculiarities of transformational processes, happened in the Russian society during the last two decades. The final part of the article is dedicated to the analysis of interconnection between the power's problems and the archetypes of the Russian mentality based on the data of the All-Russian Public Opinion Research Center and the Institute of Socio-Economic Development of Territories of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The author uses general scientific analysis and synthesis methods and comparative approach. The empirical base of research comprises the data of opinion polls. The main advantage of this method is the opportunity to poll a considerable amount of respondents in a relatively short time.

AbstractThis article contributes to our understanding of democratic representation by analyzing government congruence – the gap between the positions of the government and the median voter – within proportional representation systems. Analyzing elections in non‐post‐communist, democratic OECD countries in the post‐war period until 2014, we argue and show that the salience of non‐economic issues such as national way of life and migration led to ideological incongruence indirectly through its effect on government formation by right‐wing political parties. We suggest that in this period right‐wing political parties that own and emphasize these issues found it easier to differentiate themselves from their ideological counterparts and join a coalition with them without being threatened by credit claiming conflicts. Since, everything else kept constant, right‐wing coalitions were then more likely to emerge when such non‐economic issues were salient in the party system, their probability to form when the median is located at the center was also higher, leading to higher levels of ideological incongruence overall.