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In the 1950s, the Federal Republic of Germany had to cope with a situation referred to at the time as "Verkehrskrise" (traffic crisis). In a relatively short time span, the number of cars on German roads had increased rapidly, as well as the number of accidents and fatalities. Correspondingly, efforts in traffic education were heavily intensified. By examining public campaigns and expert discourse, the article explores how the notion of self-control gained more and more acceptance among road safety experts, and eventually helped to establish a paradigm change in Western German traffic education. In the course of the three decades from the 1950s to the 1970s, the focus shifted from enforcement by appealing to reason and disciplinary endeavors to the internalization of adequate behavior on the road and competence behind the wheel. Traffic education aimed to motivate road users to regulate themselves and to improve their ability to adapt to traffic situations. It tried to establish a specialized "seventh sense" as the core element of vernacular risk practices on the road. The notion of self-control, as implemented in public campaigns and other road safety activities, relied on societal models and certain notions of social and political order. These included, in particular, traditional family and gender roles, Christian religious values, and democratic freedom. Therefore, road traffic can be regarded as a cultural concept with road safety as a discursive arena. In that sense, road safety does not appear as a static state but was in a state of flux just as traffic itself was. Thus it required self-control and routinized yet flexible practices to improve the resilience of each individual road user to the risk of accidents as well as the resilience of the traffic system itself. (author's abstract)

AbstractThe American states offer a wealth of variation across time and space to understand the sources, dynamics, and consequences of public policy. As laboratories of socioeconomic and political differences, they enable both wide-scale assessments of change and studies of specific policy choices. To leverage this potential, we constructed and integrated a database of thousands of state-year variables for designing and executing social research: the Correlates of State Policy Project (CSPP). The database offers one-stop shopping for accurate and reliable data, allows researchers to assess the generalizability of the relationships they uncover, enables assessment of causal inferences, and connects state politics researchers to larger research communities. We demonstrate CSPP's use and breadth, as well as its limitations. Through an applied empirical approach familiar to the state politics literature, we show that researchers should remain attentive to regional variation in key variables and potential lack of within-state variation in independent and dependent variables of interest. By comparing commonly used model specifications, we demonstrate that results are highly sensitive to particular research design choices. Inferences drawn from state politics research largely depend on the nature of over time variation within and across states and the empirical leverage it may or may not provide.

This qualitative case study examined how social capital development was facilitated in an urban after-school program. Specific attention was devoted to identifying structures and strategies that helped student participants develop social capital, the types of social networks that were developed through program participation, and the outcomes that were attributed to these networks. The findings suggest that the program's purposeful design and skillful implementation presented students with opportunities to forge heterogeneous and bridging relationships that fundamentally shaped their learning experiences and their future social, educational, and professional aspirations.

Abstract: The European Union policy is geared towards fostering the diversity of cultural expression in its member states. Globalisation, cosmopolitanism and increasing mobility of the population have been destroying the fundamental values of nation-based states. The preservation
of the ethnicity of the nation is becoming an increasing challenge. In Lithuania, where ethnicity has deep roots, many prominent representatives of the Lithuanian national revival, cultural figures, philosophers and pedagogues have emphasised the importance of national culture and the development
of national identity in the educational space in order to preserve the foundations of the state and its future sovereignty. This is, therefore, becoming an important educational challenge. In 2009, the Ministry of Education, Science and Sport of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the "Strategy
for the Development of Ethnic Culture in Educational Institutions", which was specified in the action program in 2012. However, the modelling of civic education, especially the practical implementation process, faces challenges in the area of education, one of which is the lack of proper
attention from participants in education and media. The empirical research reveals that the interest of Lithuanian youth in the history of the national and ethnic culture remains low. This shows that when implementing reforms in the country's education system, it is appropriate to impart
fundamental provisions of citizenship and nationality to the young generation in a consistent and attractive manner. The aim of the article is to present the expression of citizenship and nationality in the educational space of Lithuania and to provide guidelines for improvement of civic education
based on research.

"Serial no. 112-43." ; Title from title screen (viewed on Nov. 18, 2011). ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Jens Ridderbusch geht der Frage nach, welche Faktoren und Prozesse zur Ablösung der tradierten Dreigliedrigkeit im deutschen Schulsystem geführt haben und welche Entwicklung der Schulstrukturen in Zukunft zu erwarten ist. Gegenstand seiner Policy-Analyse sind die über 20 Sekundarschulreformen der Bundesländer von 2001 bis heute. Dabei zeigt sich, dass trotz der Kulturhoheit der Länder und der Vielfalt neuer Sekundarschulen in der Schulpolitik auch starke konvergente Kräfte wirken. Vor allem der langfristige Trend zu höheren Bildungsabschlüssen lässt erwarten, dass sich die Schulformen neben dem Gymnasium künftig weiter angleichen. Zweigliedrige Strukturvarianten mit Gymnasien und integrierten Sekundarschulformen sind daher die wahrscheinlichste Entwicklungsrichtung. Der Inhalt Parteiendifferenz und Politikverflechtung im Bildungsföderalismus Bildungsbenachteiligungen im Spiegel der PISA-Studien Demografischer Wandel und Bildungsverhalten Die Sekundarschulreformen der Bundesländer ab 2001 Fallstudien zur Gemeinschaftsschule und zum Zwei-Wege-Modell Empfehlungen zur Schulstrukturpolitik Die Zielgruppen Dozierende und Studierende der Politikwissenschaft, Erziehungs- und Bildungswissenschaften Praktiker im Schulbereich, in der Bildungsadministration und Bildungspolitik Der Autor Jens Ridderbusch ist stellvertretender Leiter einer sozialwissenschaftlichen Forschungsstelle des Landes Baden-Württemberg

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Preface -- Contributors -- Introduction: Beyond State-Market Relations / Koo, Hagen -- 1. Political Cleavages in South Korea / Choi, Jang Jip -- 2. The State, Politics, and Economic Development in Postwar South Korea / Haggard, Stephan / Moon, Chung-in -- 3. The South Korean Bourgeoisie: A Class in Search of Hegemony / Eckert, Carter J. -- 4. The State, Minjung, and the Working Class tn South Korea / Koo, Hagen -- 5. The Agony of Cultural Construction: Politics and Culture in Modern Korea / Kim, Uchang -- 6. The Corporate State in North Korea / Cumings, Bruce -- 7. Strong State and Contentious Society / Koo, Hagen -- Index

A review essay on books by (1) Peter Andreas & Ethan Nadelmann, Policing the Globe: Criminalization and Crime Control in International Relations (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006) & (2) Oded Loweheim, Predators and Parasites: Persistent Agents of Transitional Harm and Great Power Authority (Ann Arbor: U Michigan Press, 2006). References.

Anthony de Jasay's book The State (1985) belongs to public-choice theory. The similarities are numerous, including a common Individualist methodology, the same normative individualist presumption, the nonromantic analysis of government, and the rejection of any 'social welfare function' and cost-benefit analysis. This essay, however, focuses on the differences between The State and public-choice theory. These differences can illuminate their understanding of the state and the possibility, if any, of limiting it. Although Jasay has produced a considerable body of work since The State, he focuses that book and use James Buchanan as the focal point on the side of standard public-choice theory. The main difference between The State and standard public-choice theory lies in their basic conceptions of the state. The state can be conceived as a servant or as a dominator. Public-choice theory adopts the first conception, even if it always keeps in mind the possibility that the servant may turn against its master. The State defends the second conception. Adapted from the source document.

The League of Women Voters of Texas is a non-partisan organization that works to promote political responsibility through active informed participation of all citizens in their government. In 1919, the Texas Equal Suffrage Association evolved into the Texas League of Women Voters, and today is recognized as the League of Women Voters of Texas. Their hallmark activity is the circulation of Voters' Guides through newspapers prior to elections; locally, regionally, statewide, and nationally. The League's intent is dissemination of information on political candidates, and the objective promotion of "political responsibility through informed and active participation of citizens in government." The organization's efforts, however, are by no means limited to politics, but also address issues on water, health care, hazardous wastes, education, energy, and such international concerns as the United Nations. ; The records of the League of Women Voters of Texas also reflect socio-economic changes in the United States with the active organizational membership drives of the mid to late 1970s in response to American society's evolution into a two income family. Collectively, the materials provide researchers with invaluable insight into politics and political concerns on an international, national, statewide, and local basis. ; The collection consists of materials from national, state, and local files, financial materials, photographs, and publications of the National, Texas, and local leagues, as well as other state leagues. Also included are a study of the national league, scrapbooks, memorabilia, vice-presidential program files, and printed materials. The focus of the collection is on state committees and local units. ; Highlights from the donation include the original 1919 minutes from the Texas Equal Suffrage Association authorizing the organizational conversion to the Texas League of Women Voters, films produced by the group on legislative processes, the 104th Congressional recognition given and signed by Texas Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison on the 75th anniversary of the League of Women Voters of Texas, and the flag that flew over the Texas capitol on that day. ; Box 4, Folder 11

The purpose of the paper is twofold. Firstly, to formulate a definition of University social responsibility (which takes into account social expectations towards this institution and its internal determinants as well). The final result of this research is the definition built on two concepts. On one hand, it is a stakeholder policy, on the other hand, a whistleblower policy. These are the criteria of responsibility, that is to say, rules which make the institution transparent and open to social criticism. Secondly, the article tends to establish whether a university in Poland (treated as a dominant institution of knowledge) is rightly seen as an irresponsible partner of civil society. Form the business ethics perspective the university is the more responsible, the more intensive are its relations with the social environment represented by stakeholders and whistleblowers. When they do not play their parts properly, the relations must be considered dysfunctional. Additional explanation of this problem is provided by the theory of management. In a use of the concept of the final customer, public opinion can find out if it—really—is the main interlocutor of the university. Social partners of this institution focus their attention on politicians and public administration taken as the alternative final customer of the academic product.

The recent reforms in the Latvian general education curriculum along with a school network reorganization have brought new attention to the issues related to a teacher education and the level of professionalism in everyday teaching work. Soviet-era education and work experience in diverse political and education systems (under the Soviet rule and after the restoration of independence) are factors that should be taken into account when analyzing the teacher in the citizenship education learning process. For the needs of this Paper, the authors used the data of the IEA ICCS 2016 (International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement International Civic and Citizenship Study 2016) teachers who teach citizenship education-related school subjects (n=249) and their students (N=3224, Grade 8, average age from 13 to 14). To process the data, the authors usedclusters, correlations, regression analysis and descriptive statistics.The aim of this Paper is to study what the teacher is like in the process of citizenship education. The findings allow making two conclusions: First, the teacher's personality, experience and networking skills plays an important role; Second, the popular assumption among both professionals and nonprofessionals that cooperation between an eighth-grade teachers and parents leads to a better student achievements is false.