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This paper seeks to investigate the behavior presented by the chamber of deputies, with regards to the bills which were presented by the executive power during the 2002-2006 legislative term. The author demonstrates that one of the most relevant reasons that the government of Ricardo Lagos was able to successfully pass the bills it favored, was the high unity of the governmental party and the heterogeneous action of the opposition bloc. Thus, through the use of Roll Call Vote analysis, this article assigns each of the parties and coalitions a percentage point relative to its degree of approval to the Executive's initiatives. This method indicates that the "Renovacion Nacional" was a pivotal party, which fluctuated between supporting the ruling party and maintaining its stance as an opposition party. Adapted from the source document.

Although Lyndon B. Johnson's presidential record clearly established him as a committed champion of African American civil rights, the origins of this commitment remain less clear. This article examines LBJ's record as head of the Texas National Youth Administration (NYA) in the mid‐1930s to argue that he demonstrated a genuine commitment to racial equality much earlier than many accounts suggest. Furthermore, in an attempt to offer a fuller understanding of the future president's civil rights views, it provides the first analysis of this period that places Johnson's record within a comparative framework that considers the performance of other Southern NYA programs at the same time.

We argue that scholars of the presidency should begin to apply their rich descriptive understanding of White House organization and personnel to questions of causality. To help guide this effort, we offer a theory-driven empirical model that explains organizational performance. Importing theory from the public management literature, we show how scholars can use the Meier-O'Toole (MO) model to explain performance outcomes and dynamics for key political and policy functions within the institutional presidency. We introduce the MO model and discuss its potential impact on the field of presidency studies. Adapted from the source document.

This study compares the leading primary vote forecasts for a common set of candidates and nomination campaigns, updated through 2008. Pre‐primary and post–New Hampshire primary forecasts are estimated. Models that predicted well the primary vote from 1980 to 2000 produce substantial errors in prediction for the 2004 and 2008 presidential nominations. This suggests that the factors driving presidential nominations during the 1980s and 1990s are changing in ways that have increased the potency of campaign momentum in presidential nominations. Post–New Hampshire forecasts, which capture the effects of momentum from the early contests, continue to predict well candidates' primary vote shares.

Drawing on his experience in a variety of positions over 40 years, the author details a wide range of variables that are involved in implementing presidential policy, including (1) the nature, origin, and validity of the presidential policy agendas and how they are communicated; (2) the background, experience, and relationships of the appointee; (3) the internal agency context; and (4) the larger political and social context. The author concludes that the large number of variables makes it very difficult—if not impossible—to produce a coherent, useful set of guidelines for appointees that will have utility across the board. Rather, implementation often requires individually nuanced responses. At the same time, the author concludes that the documented experiences of appointees in similar circumstances can serve as useful reference points for the future.

As the winner of the longest electoral campaign in American history, Barack Obama has also won the right to lead the nation through a period of severe challenges to the US power & world prominence. One month after his inauguration as 44th POTUS, as the new Administration is refocusing US foreign policy, this article goes through the proverbial tour d'horizon of the serious threats to national & international security coming out of West & Southwest Asia. Adapted from the source document.

The heir of one of the most illustrious families in the Central European aristocracy, Karel Schwarzenberg was already over 50 when he entered Czech politics alongside Vaclav Havel following the "Velvet Revolution." He was elected senator in 2004, then named Czech Minister for Foreign Affairs in 2007. He held this position until the fall of the center-right government of Mirek Topolanek in May 2009, & he hopes to return to the public's favor with the upcoming elections in March 2010. There were a number of pressing issues during his term. They include missed opportunities while the Czechs held the presidency of the EU, the antimissile shield promised by the Bush administration & cancelled by Barack Obama; energy dependence on Russia; & the persistent influence of the Communist Party. But more than that is needed to discourage this fervent European. Karel Schwarzenberg has just founded a new party, & we have undoubtedly not heard the last of him. Adapted from the source document.

Since 2000 the PRI has sought to establish damage-control mechanisms for the controversy surrounding its elections for national leader and presidential candidate. In 2005 the party became enmeshed in a conflictive internal process in which PRI governors played a key role, deepening the divisions. As a result, during the first half of 2006, Roberto Madrazo's presidential campaign was plagued with numerous internal difficulties which turned out to be instrumental in his election defeat. The course of his campaign was hampered by those internal divisions and conversely, the campaign itself had repercussions within the party that influenced its stakeholders' strategic calculations, either individually or in their alliances, and disrupted connections among the grass roots. Adapted from the source document.