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"This is the first major collection to remap the American West though the intersectional lens of gender and sexuality, especially in relation to race and Indigeneity. Organized through several interrelated concepts, The Routledge Companion to Gender and the American West addresses gender and sexuality from and across diverse and divergent methodologies. Comprising 35 chapters by a team of international contributors, the Handbook is divided into 4 parts: Genealogies Bodies Movements Lands The volume features leading and newer scholars whose essays connect interdisciplinary fields including Indigenous Studies, Latinx and Asian American Studies, western American Studies, and Queer and Gender Studies. Through innovative methodologies and reclaimed archives of knowledge, contributors model fresh frameworks for thinking about relations of power and place, gender and genre, and settler colonization and decolonial resistance. This pathbreaking collection will be invaluable to scholars and students studying the origins, myths, histories, and legacies of the American West. Even as they reckon with the ongoing gendered and racialized violence at the core of the American West, contributors forge new lexicons for imagining alternative Western futures. This is a foundational collection that will become invaluable to scholars and students studying modernism and queer theory across a range of disciplines including Gender and Sexuality Studies, Literary Studies, Indigenous Studies and Latinx Studies."--

Die Studie greift aktuelle gesellschaftliche Themen wie Digitalisierung, fehlende weibliche Repräsentation in Erinnerungskulturen und die männliche Prägung des kulturellen Gedächtnisses auf. Anhand eines exemplarischen Falles untersucht Rachel Huber, wie man einseitige Meistererzählungen mit den bislang unsichtbaren Seiten der Geschichte ergänzen kann. Sie geht den Spuren von historischen Akteurinnen und Zeitzeuginnen der Red-Power-Bewegung, dem indigenen Widerstand in den USA in den 1960er- und 1970er-Jahren, auf sozialen Plattformen wie Facebook, Twitter und Instagram nach und vergleicht diese mit den Spuren in analogen Archiven in den USA und Europa. Dadurch macht sie sichtbar, dass Red-Power-Aktivistinnen massgeblich für den Erfolg des politischen Widerstandes waren. Das Buch hat den Brigitte-Schnegg-Preis der Schweizer Gesellschaft für Geschlechterforschung erhalten. Der Preis wird alle zwei Jahre vergeben. The study takes up current social issues such as gender equality, digitalisation and the male imprint on cultural memory. Using an exemplary case, it examines how to feminise master narratives shaped by men.By following the traces of historical actors and witnesses of the Red Power movement, the indigenous resistance in the USA in the 1960s and 1970s, on social platforms such as Facebook, Twitter and Instagram and comparing them with the traces in analogue archives in the USA and Europe, she makes visible that Red Power activists were decisive for the success of the political resistance and contributed to the implementation of pro-indigenous US laws with a genuinely female grassroots activism. The book has won the Brigitte Schnegg Prize of the Swiss Society for Gender Studies. The prize is awarded every two years.

Almost one hundred years after his death, the image of peasant revolutionary Emiliano Zapata has come to signify the insurgent heart of a rebellion that changed the course of Mexican history. This is not only because of his commitment to the poor and indigenous peoples of southern Mexico but also because of the cultural representations and political activism that have kept his legacy alive. My analysis of Zapata's image in Chicana/o murals draws on the work of José Esteban Muñoz, who uses the term "concrete utopias" to describe collective hopes for the future that are rooted in historical experiences. Throughout California, murals featuring Zapata's image can be read as concrete utopias because they, too, are built from the collective aspirations of historical movements for change. This essay uses visual analysis to untether Zapata from the currents of patriarchy and hypermasculinity that many associate with him. I suggest that images of Zapata—painted by men in murals from the 1960s through the 1980s—reflect the concerns of Chicanas, LGBTQ people, indigenous women, and others whose contributions were often overlooked during the heyday of cultural nationalism. The legacy of Zapata within Chicana/o murals, I argue, is not always constrained by nationalist narratives of machismo. Sometimes representations of Zapata help viewers envision sustainable, reciprocal connections between people, tierra, y libertad.

Indigenous and rural communities have developed strategies aimed at supporting their livelihoods and protecting biodiversity. Motivational factors underlying these local conservation strategies, however, are still a largely neglected topic. We aimed to enrich the conceptualization of community-based conservation by exploring trigger events and motivations that induce local people to be engaged in practical institutional arrangements for successful natural resource management and biodiversity conservation. By examining the history and development of three community conservation initiatives in Brazil, Mexico, and Bolivia, we have illustrated and discussed two main ways of understanding community-based conservation from the interaction between extrinsic and intrinsic motivations. First, incentive-based conservation policies can stimulate people's economic interests and mobilize individual and collective behavior toward the formalization of conservation-oriented actions. Second, environmental justice concerns, such as international and national movements for the recognition of indigenous peoples' rights, can support local people's sense of autonomy and result in increased control over their territory and resources, as well as a renewed conservation commitment. The results are useful from a policy perspective because they provide insight into the governance of conservation development by bridging the gap between communities' culturally based motivations for conservation, which are still embedded in customary institutions, and broader political and socioeconomic contexts.

Lacquer paintings created by pupils of French teachers at L'Ecole Superieure de Beaux Arts d'Indochine, founded in Hanoi in 1925, invite questions regarding blended foreign and indigenous features in works produced by newly trained artists probing for a unique pictorial language. Initially displaying hallmarks of modernist Western aesthetics, upon closer inspection they challenge a simple indigenous-foreigner dialectic, and invite a more nuanced understanding of responses to ideas introduced from afar. During the brief twenty years of the school's history under colonial direction, pupils experimented with hybrid subjects, media, and styles evincing an ambivalence toward their own artistic past and the influences of foreign occupiers. After the war for independence and unification, and especially post-Doi Moi, the Vietnamese have come to appreciate these early modern works and training as the launching point of a new autonomous and empowered artistic voice.Three paintings are examined in detail, and contextualized within the political framework and social upheaval of the last phase of the colonial era. They are related to contemporary literary movements, to admiration for Japanese culture as a paragon of "Asian character," and to largely discredited pre-colonial Vietnamese folk arts and beliefs. A brief look at a few early post-revolutionary works following the outbreak of war in 1945, identifies some persistent Western features combined with radically changing ideological underpinnings shaping painted arts.

Indigenous and rural communities have developed strategies aimed at supporting their livelihoods and protecting biodiversity Motivational factors underlying these local conservation strategies, however, are still a largely neglected topic. We aimed to enrich the conceptualization of community-based conservation by exploring trigger events and motivations that induce local people to be engaged in practical institutional arrangements for successful natural resource management and biodiversity conservation. By examining the history and development of three community conservation initiatives in Brazil, Mexico, and Bolivia, we have illustrated and discussed two main ways of understanding community-based conservation from the interaction between extrinsic and intrinsic motivations. First, incentive-based conservation policies can stimulate people's economic interests and mobilize individual and collective behavior toward the formalization of conservation-oriented actions. Second, environmental justice concerns, such as international and national movements for the recognition of indigenous peoples' rights, can support local people's sense of autonomy and result in increased control over their territory and resources, as well as a renewed conservation commitment. The results are useful from a policy perspective because they provide insight into the governance of conservation development by bridging the gap between communities' culturally based motivations for conservation, which are still embedded in customary institutions, and broader political and socioeconomic contexts.

In March 2002, during a national workshop on the "Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA) and Development" held in Cagayan de Oro City,Philippines, participants from mining communities were consulted on the idea of holding a national conference on mining. Their support to convene such a conference was overwhelming. Spearheaded by Minewatch Asia Pacific Tebtebba Foundation, an Organizing Committee was subsequently formed to prepare and organize the conference. The Organizing Committee was composed of representatives from different networks active in the mining campaign: Tebtebba Foundation, The New Patriotic Movement (BAYAN) , Legal Rights and Natural Resource Center (LRNRC) , Cordillera Peoples Alliance (CPA), DIOPIM Committee on Mining Initiative (DCMI), KALIKASAN and Center for Environmental Concerns (CEC). With support from the Third World Network (TWN), the Philippine Indigenous Peoples Links (PIPLINKS) and Mineral Policy Center (MPC), the National Conference on Mining was held last May 6-8, 2002 in Baguio City. Approximately 130 participants attended the conference, representing about 70 local community people's organizations, and regional, national and international support groups. Setting aside political and ideological differences, members of different networks came together, making the conference a broad gathering of people commonly working on the issue of mining. In addition, aside from representatives from the church sector, there was a substantial participation of local government officials who actively campaigned in opposing the entry of mining in their respective localities.

Muslims have known & used the term 'da'wa' throughout the history of Islam. The concept, or rather concepts, of da'wa has been elaborated upon since the early centuries of Islam. Muslims have applied the term to various specific activities of theirs. The broadly known explanation in Europe & North America for da'wa is that it constitutes activities, which in the Christian context fall under the term 'missions' or 'missionary activities.' Recently, however, there has been much discussion whether da'wa at all can be rendered as 'missionary activity,' for it is argued by some Muslims as well as non-Muslim scholars that da'wa distinctly differs from what in the Christian tradition 'missions' have encompassed. From the available historical evidence, it appears that after Muhammad's death Muslims did not immediately embark upon da'wa activities -- during & after the rapid conquests of the Byzantinian & Persian lands, they little if at all ventured to preach to local non-Muslims about the virtues of Islam. Da'wa in the sense of inviting non-Muslims to embrace Islam was not yet on conquering Muslims' agenda. The first waves of conversions to Islam from among the indigenous populations of the conquered lands took place with virtually no Muslim missionary activities in the background. But the concept of da'wa was not lost even on the early Muslims. They were very much aware of it & indeed capitalized on its exploitation. Yet, this first was done on the intra-community level, among the Muslims themselves. The term da'wa came into wider usage almost a hundred years after Muhammad's death, in the wake of the 'Abbasid propaganda against the then ruling Ummayad clan in the 720's. However, the 'Abbasid da'wa ceased as soon as the 'Abbasids were in power -- the fact that attests to its political nature. Da'wa as a truly missionary activity, albeit still within the Muslim Umma, appeared in the form of the Isma'ili da'wa of the 9th through 13th centuries. Isma'ilis, in many ways, can be seen as the pioneers of the organized Muslim missionary activities: their highly institutionalized & sophisticated da'wa structure has hardly been repeated until today. Moreover, for the Isma'ilis, da'wa was a state priority. The Isma'ili da'wa encompassed extra- & intra-ummaic forms & blended both theology & politics. The focal point of this article is the inter-relatedness of da'wa & politics on both theoretical & practical levels. On the one hand, the Quran nowhere directly implies da'wa to be a political activity. On the other hand, Muslims made it a part of their political theory (through relating da'wa to jihad) & life (using the concept of da'wa in their political agendas). Taken in general, the intertwining of da'wa & politics, then, has been a feature throughout the Muslim history, though practical implications of this have been different in different ages. [Abstract shortened by ProQuest.]. Adapted from the source document.

THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES THE NEWS CONTENT OF AN ETHIOPIAN GOVERNMENT-RUN NEWSPAPER OVER A PERIOD OF 20 YEARS TO DETERMINE HOW CLOSELY THE PRESENT GOVERNMENT IS ALIGNED WITH THE SOVIET UNION. THERE ARE TWO SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT AMONG FOREIGN POLICY SCHOLARS. REGIONALISTS BELIEVE ETHIOPIA IS NONALIGNED. THEY ARGUE THAT SINCE THE COUNTRY FOLLOWS THE TENANTS OF AFRICAN SOCIALISM, ITS INTERNATIONAL POLITICS ARE SHAPED BY INDIGENOUS FACTORS SUCH AS NATIONALISM AND LOCAL ECONOMIC AND SECURITY NEEDS. RATHER THAN BY SOVIET OR U.S. INFLUENCE. GLOBALISTS, ON THE OTHER HAND, BELIEVE ETHIOPIA BELONGS TO THE SOVIET CAMP AND IS DEPENDENT ON THE SOVIET UNION. A REVIEW OF A GOVERNMENT-RUN NEWSPAPER IN TWO TEN-YEAR PERIODS BEFORE AND AFTER THE TAKEOVER BY MENGISTU HAILE MARIAM FOUND A DRAMATIC SHIFT IN THE NATURE OF COVERAGE. UNDER EMPEROR HAILE SELASSIE BEFORE THE OVETHROW, THE PAPER PRINTED PREDOMINANTLY PROUNITED STATES AND ANTI-SOVIET NEWS. BUT UNDER MENGISTU, THE SAME PAPER PRINTED VASTLY PRO-SOVIET AND ANTI-UNITED STATES NEWS, AND ABSOLUTELY NO ANTI-SOVIET NEWS. THESE FINDINGS SUPPORT THE GLOBALIST VIEW.

" Westward expansion of the United States is most conventionally remembered for rugged individualism, geographic isolationism, and a fair amount of luck. Yet the establishment of the forty-eight contiguous states was hardly a foregone conclusion, and the federal government played a critical role in its success. This book examines the politics of American expansion, showing how the government's regulation of population movements on the frontier, both settlement and removal, advanced national aspirations for empire and promoted the formation of a white settler nation. Building an American Empire details how a government that struggled to exercise plenary power used federal land policy to assert authority over the direction of expansion by engineering the pace and patterns of settlement and to control the movement of populations. At times, the government mobilized populations for compact settlement in strategically important areas of the frontier; at other times, policies were designed to actively restrain settler populations in order to prevent violence, international conflict, and breakaway states. Paul Frymer examines how these settlement patterns helped construct a dominant racial vision for America by incentivizing and directing the movement of white European settlers onto indigenous and diversely populated lands. These efforts were hardly seamless, and Frymer pays close attention to the failures as well, from the lack of further expansion into Latin America to the defeat of the black colonization movement. Building an American Empire reveals the lasting and profound significance government settlement policies had for the nation, both for establishing America as dominantly white and for restricting broader aspirations for empire in lands that could not be so racially engineered. "--

This paper maps a cartography of struggle to document the dynamic, living legacy of Menominee leader Ingrid Washinawatok El-Issa and her contribution to the decolonial possibilities of transnational Indigenous feminism. I propose that mapping a cartography of struggle is a useful way for movements to consider how the past informs the present and future possibilities of resistance and decoloniality. Este artículo traza una cartografía de las luchas que llevó a cabo la líder Menominee Ingrid Washinawatok El-Issa con el fin de documentar su legado dinámico y vivo y su contribución a las posibilidades decoloniales del feminismo indígena transnacional. Propongo la cartografía de la lucha como un modo útil para los movimientos, ya que a través de esta se pone de manifiesto cómo el pasado da forma a las posibilidades presentes y futuras de resistencia y decolonización.

This article explores the use of "circle process"—a form of restorative justice—in family law and places this effort within a larger movement within the law toward law as a healing profession, or the "comprehensive law movement." It explores the features and underpinnings of circle process and its relationship to original forms of dispute resolution such as those used in African‐style mediation and indigenous people's dispute resolution in North America. Values expressed by these forms of dispute resolution are argued to be particularly relevant in family law. Finally, it focuses on an innovative and exciting court‐sponsored program begun in Chicago in 2008, using circle process with families in conflict, in the Cook County Parentage and Child Support Court. This program's results suggest potential benefits and cautions of using circle process in family law.

Key Points for the Family Court Community:
Restorative justice, in particular, circle process, can be used to resolve family law cases.
Circle process widens the group of participants in alternative dispute resolution of family law matters.
Circle process brings more voices to the table, namely, extended family, friends, and supporters, thus enhancing the group's decisionmaking.
Judges will want to be sure the families in question are appropriate for circle process before referring them to this method of resolving disputes.
Circle processes can result in improved communication and relations among families in conflict.
Circle process reflects the values of "original dispute resolution," which often in turn reflects ubuntu, the idea that all humankind is interconnected.
Circle process is part of a greater movement towards law as a healing profession/the comprehensive law movement, which includes therapeutic jurisprudence.

Since its inception in 1928, the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood has played a large role in shaping Egyptian politics and society. The 2011 toppling of Hosni Mubarak and the opening up of the political system has led to an increased presence of the movement, with representatives forming a majority in parliament and even winning the powerful presidency. Observers and analysts within and without Egypt continue to have questions about the movement and its motives and perspectives. Fairly or not, the question of the Brotherhood's stance on women and questions of gender are at the forefront of the debate. Encouraged by the former regime's propaganda against the opposition movement, as well as the group's conservative approach, many critics fear that the brotherhood's ascent will result in a decrease of women's rights and political participation. This paper seeks to explore this question through examining the work of one of the movement's former leaders: Zainab al-Ghazali. Al-Ghazali has bedeviled many observers, as her work within the movement seems to contradict her rhetoric on the role of women within society. While she thrived in the male-dominated sphere of political leadership, she encouraged Muslim women to return to the home and maintain the base of Islamic society: the family. An examination of al-Ghazali's texts reveals support for women's rights and participation, but not with the goal of achieving gender equality. Her discourse also displays a connection between conservative gender norms and the postcolonial question of indigenous sovereignty. Understanding this interplay of ideologies not only sheds light on al-Ghazali's discourse, but also on the ideological roots of the Muslim Brotherhood.

[Resumen] El activismo iberoamericano contemporáneo será el tema central de este artículo. Lo analizaremos históricamente, desde los años noventa, y sirviéndonos de la metodología del trabajo de campo etnográfico y de una investigación desarrollada de 2008 a 2013. Este contexto temporal será examinado desde el contexto espacial iberoamericano, analizando movimientos sociales como el zapatismo indígena, el 15M español o el #YoSoy132 mexicano. Nos serviremos para ello de un trabajo de campo multisituado y de corte cualitativo, acompañado de un análisis del activismo en red o activismo digital. El principal objetivo será comprender cómo funcionan los nuevos movimientos en red, así como su contexto de globalización y las dinámicas de movilidad y circulación que los recorren. Finalmente, atenderemos al valor político del cuerpo y del espacio, y veremos cómo surgen culturas políticas viajeras que replantean los límites modernos de la cultura, la política y el territorio, produciendo un continuum cultural y simbólico. ; [Abstract] Contemporary Ibero-American activism will be the central matter of this article. It will be analysed historically, since the nineties, and using the methodology of ethnographic fieldwork developed from 2008 to 2013. We will examine this timeframe along with the Ibero-American spatial frame, analysing social movements such as indigenous zapatism, Spanish 15M or Mexican #YoSoy132. We will use a qualitative and multisited fieldwork, as well as an analysis of network or digital activism. The main objective will be to understand how network movements work, their context of globalization and their mobility and circulation dynamics. Finally, we will pay attention to the political value of body and space, to conclude that new traveling political cultures redraw the modern limits of culture, politics and territory, and they produce a cultural and symbolic continuum.

Contemporary Ibero-American activism will be the central matter of this article. It will be analysed historically, since the nineties, and using the methodology of ethnographic fieldwork developed from 2008 to 2013. We will examine this timeframe along with the Ibero-American spatial frame, analysing social movements such as indigenous zapatism, Spanish 15M or Mexican #YoSoy132. We will use a qualitative and multisited fieldwork, as well as an analysis of network or digital activism. The main objective will be to understand how network movements work, their context of globalization and their mobility and circulation dynamics. Finally, we will pay attention to the political value of body and space, to conclude that new traveling political cultures redraw the modern limits of culture, politics and territory, and they produce a cultural and symbolic continuum. ; El activismo iberoamericano contemporáneo será el tema central de este artículo. Lo analizaremos históricamente, desde los años noventa, y sirviéndonos de la metodología del trabajo de campo etnográfico y de una investigación desarrollada de 2008 a 2013. Este contexto temporal será examinado desde el contexto espacial iberoamericano, analizando movimientos sociales como el zapatismo indígena, el 15M español o el #YoSoy132 mexicano. Nos serviremos para ello de un trabajo de campo multisituado y de corte cualitativo, acompañado de un análisis del activismo en red o activismo digital. El principal objetivo será comprender cómo funcionan los nuevos movimientos en red, así como su contexto de globalización y las dinámicas de movilidad y circulación que los recorren. Finalmente, atenderemos al valor político del cuerpo y del espacio, y veremos cómo surgen culturas políticas viajeras que replantean los límites modernos de la cultura, la política y el territorio, produciendo un continuum cultural y simbólico.