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A review essay on books by (1) Jean-Francois Bayart [Ed], La Greffe de l'Etat ([Transplant of the State] Paris: Karthala, 1996); (2) Mamadou Dia, Africa's Management in the 1990s and Beyond: Reconciling Indigenous and Transplanted Institutions (Washington, DC: World Bank, 1996); (3) Mahmood Mamdani, Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism (NJ: Princeton U Press, 1996); & (4) William Reno, Corruption and State Politics in Sierra Leone (England: Cambridge U Press, 1995). Each of these texts acknowledges the significance of the fact that contemporary sub-Saharan African states are European rather than African & rarely meet the state criteria of monopolistic power, effectiveness, & legitimacy. Dia refers to the "disconnected state" in his interpretation of economic management problems as an incongruency between formal & indigenous institutions. Bayart speaks of the "rhizome state," but differs from the others in that his examination of African political stability concludes that exogenous institutions have become substantially Africanized. Reno uses the term "shadow state" in his analysis of the informal sector & its relationship to the state in Sierra Leone. Mamdani argues that colonialism resulted in a bifurcation of the state &, in contrast to Dia, interprets even so-called indigenous or native authority as derived from colonialism. All four books offer excellent, though very different, statements on the development-related significance of the state in Africa. E. Blackwell

This paper reviews empirical evidence concerning government errors of
commission and omission in Africa. Seen in the context of international
comparisons, how do African states measure up in the defensive functions of
avoiding government excess? And how do they rate in the constructive functions
of supplying public goods in response to demands from society? Regarding
errors of commission, African states do not stand out as singularly
prone to spend large shares of GNP, to employ high ratios of the population
in bureaucratic jobs, or to own extensive state-owned enterprises. The data
on errors of omission are more equivocal. African states do too little to prevent
corruption, to protect civil and political rights, and to secure the legal
environment for business. Yet, other developing regions display many of the
same deficiencies. Overall, there is little empirical evidence of a sui generis
African state.

The World Bank and its critics are approaching consensus on central issues in the African development debate. That Africa must become more integrated into the globalising world economy, and that to do so effectively it will need more capable and socially responsive states is now broadly accepted. However, the manner in which African states are already embedded in their societies and in the global political economy has not been integrated into the analysis. The nature of these linkages tells us much about how African states engage the forces of globalisation, and the effect that engagement is likely to have on economic development and on these states themselves.

Warlord Politics and African States by William Reno is reviewed. Warlord Politics and African States by William Reno is reviewed.

The World Bank & its critics are approaching consensus on central issues in the African development debate. That Africa must become more integrated into the globalizing world economy, & that to do so effectively it will need more capable & socially responsive states is now broadly accepted. However, the manner in which African states are already embedded in their societies & in the global political economy has not been integrated into the analysis. The nature of these linkages tells us much about how African states engage the forces of globalization, & the effect that engagement is likely to have on economic development & on these states themselves. Adapted from the source document.