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This paper analyses, and examines the interpretation of, sex differences in political knowledge as measured in the context of nationally representative British surveys. The paper discusses the construction and operationalisation of 'knowledge' measures in survey research. British survey research finds striking sex differences in scores on political knowledge items. The inclusion of contextual variables, and of interactions between sex and other relevant variables, attenuates but does not eliminate consistent sex differences.

This study looks at the question of which domain-specific concepts regarding politics children already understand and to what extent a naïve theory of politics can be postulated. It shows that even children in first grade have political knowledge that becomes increasingly differentiated throughout their time in elementary school. Fourth graders' knowledge is more elaborate than that of first graders. The migrant background of children has a negative influence on political knowledge. No gender-specific differences in knowledge are found.

In this article, I examine how 9/11 and the subsequent efforts to combat terrorism have affected what people know about politics. My analysis suggests three main differences between knowledge before and after 9/11. First, knowledge of 9/11 and the "war on terrorism" shot up to uncommonly high levels, just as common sense and our theories would predict. The second point is less intuitive: Heightened interest spread to issues not directly related to the terrorist attacks and appears to have increased knowledge of politics more broadly. Finally, a comparison between knowledge related to 9/11 and general political knowledge reveals that some of the usual obstacles to learning did not matter in the aftermath of 9/11. A low sense of civic duty, lack of faith in government responsiveness, and a full-time job all kept people from getting informed about politics in general, but not from learning about the terrorist attacks and the war on terrorism.

This study uses original data to investigate the individual-level determinants of voters' political gender stereotypes. I find that beliefs about men's emotional suitability for politics predict voter stereotypes about the ability of politicians to handle issues, whereas political knowledge predicts voter stereotypes about politicians' issue positions. Therefore, whereas some political gender stereotypes can primarily be explained by beliefs about the traits of men and women in general, other stereotypes are more related to knowledge about politics. This study suggests that whereas some political gender stereotypes may change if differences in the behavior of men and women politicians narrow, other stereotypes may be more enduring and less susceptible to change.

Individuals use the internet to look up information. This has consequences for the measurement of political knowledge in self-administered online surveys. Online surveys may now include answers that were retrieved from the internet instead of a respondent's declarative memory, thereby distorting knowledge measures. This problem has been acknowledged and studied, but existing research focuses on interventions designed to deter online searching and on methods to detect the behavior. I take a different approach and focus on the questions themselves to show that some questions are more vulnerable to bias via internet searching than others. I take advantage of interview mode differences in the 2016 ANES to examine the effect of internet access on different kinds of political knowledge questions. The study concludes with best practices recommendations for researchers wishing to improve their knowledge scales by discussing what type of questions are most likely to form a scale that retains criterion validity in the online environment.

Past work emphasizes the decline of cognition into older age. Recent work suggests that living in an aged community provides ample opportunity for social interaction with peers and that these older residents perform better cognitively than more isolated seniors. I test whether this relationship is evident for the political cognition of older residents with NAES data from 2000 and 2004. Findings indicate higher levels of political knowledge among seniors living in aged communities compared with their peers living in places without the same social context.

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