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The transformation process in Yemen, as initiated and defined by the roadmap of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), is frequently praised as a model for a peaceful transition. Despite some delay, formally speaking, the process appears to be on track. It has just entered a new phase with the conclusion of the National Dialogue Conference (NDC) at the end of January 2014 and the establishment of the constitutional drafting committee in March. While the results of the NDC present a good basis for the future Yemeni order, increased violent conflict on the ground is casting doubt on the way ahead. Rivaling elite factions continue to exploit the transition process for their own political and economic interests. This has blocked the emergence of a more participatory system. To support a meaningful transition, Germany and the European Union should pressure the transitional government to address the legitimate grievances of the popular movements that are challenging the rule of the old elites. (author's abstract)

Since the EU and Turkey concluded their refugee agreement, the central Mediterranean is becoming increasingly important again and is currently t he most travelled route for irregular immigration to Europe. A proportion of the refugees and migrants on this route in 2016 came from the Horn of Africa and East Africa. As part of the Khartoum Process, the EU is seeking to cooperate with the countries in this region on migration policy. The Better Migration Management (BMM) programme is one part of these en - deavours. Some civil society actors criticize the programme because they believe it dis- regards human rights and validates despotic regimes. Analysis shows that this claim has, so far, been unjustified. Nevertheless, there is a risk that such cooperation may embolden authoritarian leaders who commit human rights violations. It is, therefore, all the more important to pay attention not only to effectiveness, but also to sustaina- bility and legitimacy when establishing partnerships on migration policy. (author's abstract)

Cet ouvrage est le fruit de deux colloques internationaux qui se sont tenus à l'Université de Saint-Étienne les 20, 21 et 22 janvier et les 29 et 30 septembre 2016. Les Assises Internationales I des langues portugaise et espagnole, en partenariat avec l'Université Sorbonne-Nouvelle Paris 3, avaient réuni des personnalités politiques, institutionnelles et universitaires, spécialistes des domaines hispanique et lusophone. Cette manifestation a permis de porter un regard sur les politiques linguistiques actuelles et d'aborder la question des enjeux politiques et économiques des deux langues dans le monde. Cela a, en outre, donné l'occasion de considérer de nouveaux projets en matière de coopération et d'internationalisation. Ont également été mis en évidence les enjeux actuels pour la diversité et le multilinguisme. Des communications relatives au cinéma, à la littérature et à la linguistique ont complété ces échanges. Les Assises Internationales II ont eu pour finalité de poursuivre le travail effectué lors des Assises I en approfondissant les réflexions amorcées en matière de recherche dans les disciplines hispaniques, hispano- américaines et lusophones. Au-delà de cet état des lieux, de nouvelles approches théoriques, méthodologiques et critiques mises en oeuvre dans les domaines de la langue, de la littérature, de la civilisation (cultures et Histoire des mondes hispanophone et lusophone) et de l'image, ont été mises en exergue. Le présent volume se structure en trois parties: un premier temps, intitulé «Le portugais et l'espagnol : un défi pour le plurilinguisme» permettra de poser les enjeux de cette thématique; dans un second temps, c'est la lusophonie, dans sa diversité et son interculturalité qui sera abordée. Enfin, la troisième étape, intitulée «Hispanophonie, relations et approches interdisciplinaires» sera consacrée au domaine hispanique. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Am 23. September 2020 hat die Europäische Kommission ihren lange erwarteten Ent­wurf eines neuen Migrations- und Asylpakets vorgelegt, das die seit Jahren andauernde Blockade in diesem Politikfeld überwinden soll. Zentrale Elemente sind die geplanten Vorprüfungen von Asylverfahren an den EU-Außengrenzen und eine neue Arbeitsteilung unter den Mitgliedstaaten, die künftig die Wahl haben zwischen der Aufnahme von Schutzsuchenden und der Rückführung abgelehnter Asylbewerber. Die menschenrecht­lichen Risiken, die diesen Neuerungen anhaften, sind immens. Da dies aber - wie die Lage auf den griechischen Inseln zeigt - auch für den Status quo gilt, ist das Für und Wider des Reformvorschlags sorgfältig abzuwägen. Eine Unterstützung des Reform­pakets lässt sich nur rechtfertigen, wenn die von der Kommission angestrebte Kopp­lung restriktiver und schutzorientierter Elemente in den zwischenstaatlichen Ver­handlungen beibehalten wird. (Autorenreferat)

"Serial no. 102-85." ; "January 22, 1992"--Pt. 2. ; "November 20, 1991"--Pt. 1. ; Shipping list no: 92-199-P (pt. 1), 92-268-P (pt. 2). ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; "Hearing before the Subcommittee on International Development, Finance, Trade, and Monetary Policy of the Committee on Banking, Finance, and Urban Affairs . One Hundred Second Congress, second session"--Pt. 2. ; Item 1013-A, 1013-B (MF) ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The Group of Governmental Experts (GGE) has been discussing autonomous weapons systems (AWS) in the UN arms control context since 2017. Russia boycotted the latest round of talks in Geneva in March, in connection with its 24 February 2022 invasion of Ukraine. Regulation of AWS is an increasingly remote prospect, and some representatives even admit privately that the talks may have failed. The new German gov­ern­­ment's commitment to work to outlaw AWS is increasingly looking like a labour of Sisyphus. Given that the GGE requires unanimity, but constructive cooperation with Russia is off the table for the foreseeable, other forums will need to be found for the international debate on AWS control. Germany must prepare for options within NATO, the European Union and the United Nations. It is clear that any meaningful process presupposes coherent coordination with the NATO partners on all levels. In order to achieve that, Germany must first develop a clear national position on AWS. (author's abstract)

Given recent history it may be necessary to recall that the so-called Great Recession we have been
witnessing for more than five years now was, first and foremost, a crisis of financial markets. One reason
for rising debt levels at the outset of the crisis have been massive government expenditures to bail out
struggling and even failing banks. Yet, I argue that it falls short of a satisfactory explanation to simply view
political action as a rational response to "objective" political and economic problems.
Therefore, the fundamental question that underlays this study is: How did different institutional settings
influence diverging policy reactions to the financial crisis? To answer this question, this study compares
bank bailouts in France, Germany and the United Kingdom. Drawing upon the Varieties of Capitalism
literature, I identify four central, national institutions that have influenced political decision-making during
the financial crisis: the political system, traditions of market intervention, economic discourse and banking
and financial systems.
The French president, Nicolas Sarkozy, reverting to France's dirigiste tradition and resorting to a dense
elitist network, used bank bailouts to support the French financial industry and to create "national
champions". This sort of policy was accompanied by a non-liberal discourse criticising "excessive"
financial markets. In Germany, on the other hand, the government deliberated with a broad coalition of
political and market actors to create a bailout programme aiming at sustaining bank lending to the
industry. However, market actors were criticised on a moral and ethical basis and the ordo-liberal state
was considered as a necessary corrective safeguarding true economic freedom. Finally, the UK's "elected
dictator", Prime Minister Gordon Brown, used his political power and involved his close political allies to
carry out a bailout programme that was predominantly designed to defend the international
competitiveness of the British financial industry. Albeit market intervention was inevitable it was
announced as being temporarily and leaving as much problem solving as possible to the markets.