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International audience ; It usually happens that the alternatives to be voted on in committees are chosen or sponsored by some particularly active committee members. For example, in parliaments, some representatives and some government members are known to be especially active in introducing bills on which the whole committee will later vote. It appears that parliamen- tary agendas--namely amendment and successive elimination voting rules--are vulnerable to strategic behavior by groups of individuals introducing motions which are not their most preferred alternatives. Our aim in this paper is to evaluate how frequently this type of be- havior arises.

Abstract
This article explains the twentieth-century Latin American shift from majoritarian to proportional representation (PR) electoral systems. It argues that PR was introduced when the electoral arena changed significantly and threatened the power of the dominant party. The adoption of PR was therefore an effort by the established party to retain partial power in the face of absolute defeat. Majoritarian systems remained in place when the incumbent party was strong enough to believe that it could gain a plurality of the votes despite electoral changes. An empirical analysis of 20 countries over 104 years (1900–2004) provides support for this argument.

International audience ; It usually happens that the alternatives to be voted on in committees are chosen or sponsored by some particularly active committee members. For example, in parliaments, some representatives and some government members are known to be especially active in introducing bills on which the whole committee will later vote. It appears that parliamen- tary agendas--namely amendment and successive elimination voting rules--are vulnerable to strategic behavior by groups of individuals introducing motions which are not their most preferred alternatives. Our aim in this paper is to evaluate how frequently this type of be- havior arises.

Although elected without having won the popular vote, George W. Bush set out to enact an ambitious legislative agenda designed, in part, to help secure a "permanent majority" for the GOP. In pursuing this agenda, Bush drew upon significant institutional advantages associated with the contemporary state of political parties, and he worked diligently to reinforce those advantages by dedicating himself to a party building effort unprecedented in modern politics. In this article I explore how these efforts may put into question the framework of realignment and propose instead a trajectory of presidential led parties.

The article centres on the saliency that regional decentralization has had for British, Italian and French political parties in the past 60 years. A longitudinal analysis of the emphasis that parties have assigned to this issue in their manifestos confirms the hypothesis that certain environmental factors influence the changes of attention of parties on regionalization in their electoral discourse. Electoral threats and institutional reforms have a relevant impact and are mediated by the nature of party goals (policy-, vote- or office-seeking).

Utilizing quantitative genetic models, the authors examine the sources of party identification and the intensity of that identification. The results indicate genes exert little, if any, influence on party identification, directly or indirectly through covariates. However, we find that genes appear to play a pivotal role in shaping the strength of an individual's party identification. Together with recent examinations of political attitudes and vote choice, these findings begin to provide a more complete picture of the source of partisanship and the complex nature of the political phenotype. Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; It usually happens that the alternatives to be voted on in committees are chosen or sponsored by some particularly active committee members. For example, in parliaments, some representatives and some government members are known to be especially active in introducing bills on which the whole committee will later vote. It appears that parliamen- tary agendas--namely amendment and successive elimination voting rules--are vulnerable to strategic behavior by groups of individuals introducing motions which are not their most preferred alternatives. Our aim in this paper is to evaluate how frequently this type of be- havior arises.

Through its own means of diffusion, "Blasquism" offered new meanings of the popular classes's image of man in the first decades of the 20th century. This image was taught and compromised with republicanism as the agent and leading figure of the social democratic changes of that time. In this context, being able to exercise national sovereignty belonged to men as they were the ones who could vote. Therefore, the fact that most men could practice politics involved the republicans determining cohesion and identification mechanisms which also represented a new model of masculine identity.

In the first draft of the European Convention on Human Rights that sent by the Committee of Ministers to the Assembly in 1950 there was no mention of the right to free elections or the right to vote. A clause providing for free and the right of criticism and to organize was not retained. The case-law of the Court on Article 3 of Protocol No.1 still echoes this fundamental disagreement as to what exactly should be the role of the Convention and the Court in this area. Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; Cet article étudie plusieurs discours marqués par une hétérogénéité sémiotique qui traitent des grands retentissements du « 21 avril 2002 » que sont le choc qui ébranle la conscience politique des Français, le rejet de l'extrême droite, l'analyse critique de l'abstention massive, le sursaut démocratique lors des grandes manifestations et l'appel à voter. L'objectif est d'analyser les relations que l'on peut observer entre matérialité sémiotique, dispositif d'énonciation, mécanismes interdiscursifs et argumentativité des discours étudiés. En d'autres termes, nous nous demandons en quoi le recours aux discours autres peut être au service d'un projet argumentatif distinct ?

Cet article analyse 29 sondages d'opinion menés depuis 1966 sur les élections scolaires au Québec. Il en examine les résultats au regard d'un modèle théorique d'explication de la faible participation des électeurs, modèle qui compte cinq éléments : l'apolitisme scolaire, le devoir moral de voter, la valorisation du rôle des parents, l'émergence des valeurs marchandes et du consumérisme en éducation et, enfin, l'information et la propagande électorale. L'auteur conclut que les données empiriques analysées fournissent des amorces d'explication et confortent les hypothèses formulées dans le modèle théorique, sans les confirmer. Une grande enquête empirique reste à faire à cet égard.

Abstract
WAL‐MART'S ANTI‐EFCA TRAINING DRAWS UNION CHARGES


From the Editor


EMPLOYER MAY WARN EMPLOYEES NOT TO SIGN UNION CARDS—BUT WATCH OUT FOR THE UNINTENTIONAL THREAT


Campaign Workshop


INTERROGATION AND THREATS: A CLASSIC CAMPAIGN CASE


SUPERVISOR LOYALTY DURING A CAMPAIGN


UNDERSTANDING THE NLRB ELECTION PROCESS: STATUS, TENURE, AND ELIGIBILITY TO VOTE ISSUES


Union Tactics


UNION PRESSURES DISNEY WITH PROTEST BY DISNEY CHARACTERS


Union Prevention


ASCERTAINING A JOB APPLICANT'S UNION SYMPATHIES—WHAT CAN THE INTERVIEWER ASK AND SAY?


Legal Briefs


EXCLUDING UNIONIZED EMPLOYEES FROM A RETIREMENT PLAN CAN BE ILLEGAL

AbstractThis article investigates the influence of religious values on domestic social policy-making, with a particular focus on Catholics. We analyze roll call votes in the 109thCongress and find that Catholic identification is associated with support for Catholic Social Teaching, but both younger Catholics and Republican Catholics are found less supportive. In followup interviews with a small sample of Catholic Republicans, we find that they justify voting contrary to Church teaching by seeing its application to most domestic social issues as less authoritative than Church moral teachings on issues like abortion.