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A historical analysis is carried out regarding the emergence of the term "intellectual property" abroad, during the Soviet Union, in modern legal Ukraine and the need for clarifying the understanding of this concept is established. The absence of a single universally accepted world definition of the concept of "intellectual property" and the variety of possible definitions creates a large economic and legal lag for the practical implementation of innovative activities, when each scientist, entrepreneur or employee understands this definition in his own way, taking into account his own benefits. At the legislative level, only a generalized concept is fixed, which also requires legislatively fixed explanations for each group of intellectual property objects, including for the latest technological results of the fourth industrial revolution. Various definitions of the concept of "intellectual property" are examined, and the shortcomings of these definitions are evaluated.The most popular classifications of the concept of intellectual property are analyzed. The question of the appropriateness of using standard affiliation with the industrial use of only industrial property objects has been raised; the use of copyright and related rights objects has been added in the scientific, technical and industrial fields.A new definition of "intellectual property" is proposed, given the triple nature of its structure, and the practical application of the proposed definition is shown. Intellectual property has never been limited only to the legal protection of the results of human intellectual activity, but now, using the triple nature of intellectual property, it enables researchers and practitioners of intellectual property to more comprehensively examine the traditional categories of the intellectual property system and to conduct a comprehensive analysis of the developed intellectual property to obtain maximum profit from innovation. ; Проведено історичний аналіз щодо виникнення терміну «інтелектуальна власність» закордоном, за часів Радянського Союзу, в сучасній правовій Україні та встановлено необхідність уточнення розуміння цього поняття. Відсутність єдиного загальноприйнятого світового визначення поняття «інтелектуальна власність» та різноманіття ймовірних визначень створює великий економічно-правовий лаг для практичного здійснення інноваційної діяльності, коли кожний науковець, підприємець чи працівник розуміє дане визначення по-своєму, з огляду на свої вигоди. На законодавчому рівні закріплене лише узагальнене поняття, котре потребує також законодавчо закріплених пояснень щодо кожної групи об'єктів інтелектуальної власності, в тому числі для новітніх технологічних результатів четвертої промислової революції. Розглянуто різні визначення поняття «інтелектуальна власність», проведена оцінка недоліків цих визначень.Проаналізовано найпопулярніші класифікації поняття інтелектуальної власності. Порушено питання щодо доцільності використання стандартної приналежності до промислового використання тільки об'єктів промислової власності, до науково-технічної та виробничої сфер додано використання об'єктів авторського та суміжних прав. Запропоновано нове визначення «інтелектуальної власності» з огляду на потрійний характер його структури та показане практичне застосування запропонованого визначення. Інтелектуальна власність ніколи не була обмежена рамками тільки правової охорони результатів інтелектуальної діяльності людини, але тепер, з використанням потрійної природи інтелектуальної власності, надає змогу дослідникам та практикам інтелектуальної власності більш комплексно розглядати традиційні категорії системи інтелектуальної власності та робити всебічний аналіз розроблених об'єктів інтелектуальної власності задля отримання максимального прибутку від інновацій.

In 2016, the government promoted the revitalization of vocational high schools (SMK). In East Java, the vocational high school revitalization was accelerated with the target of achieving a percentage of the ratio between SMK and SMA (senior high schools) of 70:30. The East Java provincial government should implement a moratorium on the establishment of SMA and facilitate the process of changing the function of SMA to SMK. However, inviting residents to attend vocational schools is not an easy matter, in fact there are still many vocational schools that are devoid of enthusiasts. The headmaster must be right in choosing a marketing strategy for educational services so that gets students as expected. Qualitative research on the headmaster's strategy in marketing educational services at new educational institutions is important to do in order to get a marketing model that is relevant to the times. This research data collection using interview techniques, observation, and documentation. The results of this study are first, the headmaster's strategy in marketing (SMK BP Subulul Huda) is based on the strategic policy of the islamic boarding school foundation, namely a forward integration strategy. To follow up on the policy, the headmaster prepared a marketing plan using market segmentation, targeting, and positioning strategies. Second, marketing implementation is carried out by applying the marketing mix (7P). Third, the headmaster develops educational services that are human-oriented and a marketing approach that is applied using offline and online interactions that are relevant to the Marketing 4.0. Abstrak Pada tahun 2016, pemerintah menggalakkan revitalisasi sekolah menengah kejuruan dalam rangka peningkatan kualitas dan daya saing sumber daya manusia Indonesia. Di Jawa Timur, pada tahun 2017 melakukan percepatan revitalisasi sekolah menengah kejuruan tersebut dengan target mencapai persentase perbandingan SMK dan SMA sebesar 70:30. Melalui peraturan Gubernur, diputuskan bahwa pemerintah Provinsi Jawa Timur melakukan moratorium pendirian SMA dan mempermudah proses alih fungsi SMA menjadi SMK. Namun, mengajak warga agar sekolah di SMK bukan perkara mudah, faktanya masih dijumpai SMK yang sepi peminat khususnya SMK di kawasan terjauh dan terdepan, bahkan tidak hanya di pedesaan saja, di kota besar juga ada SMK yang kekurangan murid. Kepala sekolah harus tepat dalam memilih strategi pemasaran jasa pendidikan agar sekolah yang dikelolanya mendapatkan murid sesuai harapan. Penelitian kualitatif tentang strategi kepala sekolah dalam pemasaran jasa pendidikan pada lembaga pendidikan baru pada era Marketing 4.0 penting untuk dilakukan agar mendapatkan sebuah model pemasaran yang relevan dengan perkembangan zaman. Pengumpulan data penelitian ini menggunakan teknik wawancara, pengamatan, dan dokumentasi. Temuan penelitian ini pertama, strategi kepala sekolah dalam pemasaran SMK BP Subulul Huda didasari oleh kebijakan strategis Yayasan Pondok Pesantren yaitu strategi pertumbuhan integrasi ke depan. Untuk menindaklanjuti kebijakan tersebut kepala sekolah menyusun perencanaan pemasaran dengan menggunakan strategi segmentasi pasar, targeting, dan positioning. Kedua, implementasi pemasaran dilakukan dengan menerapkan bauran pemasaran 7P. Ketiga, kepala sekolah membangun produk/jasa pendidikan yang berorientasi pada manusia (mencerminkan nilai-nilai kemanusiaan) dan pendekatan pemasaran yang diterapkan menggunakan interaksi offline dan online yang relevan dengan era Marketing 4.0.

The article researches the term "criminal influence" which was introduced to the Criminal Code of Ukraine (hereinafter – the CC of Ukraine) by the Law of Ukraine "On amendments to the Criminal Code of Ukraine regarding liability for crimes committed by criminal community", and its correlation with the institute of complicity in a crime, in particular with objective elements of accomplices in a crime, as well as with illegal influence. The author concludes that there may be one narrow and two broad types of understanding of this term. Moreover, criminal influence may be considered not only from the criminal legal but also from the criminological point of view. Criminal influence is a part of the broader term of illegal influence. However, in contrast to other types of illegal influence, criminal influence, due to its social danger, is limited by the state specifically by the means of criminal law.The term of criminal influence introduced to the Ukrainian criminal legislation has serious gaps, so that it is extremely poor and practically inapplicable. Moreover, not only this term defined in the note to Art. 255 of the CC of Ukraine, but also corpus delicti provided for in Art. 255-1 of the CC of Ukraine (intentional establishment or dissemination of the criminal influence in society) should be substantially revised. The usage of general formulations and abstract concepts in the disposition of Art. 255-1 of the CC of Ukraine, as well as non-exhaustive lists of objective and subjective elements in the definition of the term of criminal influence violates the principle of legal certainty as a part of a broader rule of law principle. Bringing individuals to the criminal liability for committing crimes related to the criminal influence (intentional establishment or dissemination of the criminal influence in society and request for its application) or conviction of individuals for these crimes with a high probability will cause substantial violations of fundamental principles of criminal law and human rights. ; Статтю присвячено дослідженню поняття «злочинний вплив», яке було введено до Кримінального кодексу України Законом України «Про внесення змін до Кримінального кодексу України щодо відповідальності за злочини, вчинені злочинною спільнотою», та його співвідношення з інститутом співучасті у вчиненні злочину, зокрема з об'єктивними ознаками співучасників у вчиненні злочину, а також із протиправним впливом. Автор доходить висновку про можливість вузького та двох форм широкого розуміння цього поняття, до того ж злочинний вплив можна розглядати не тільки в кримінально-правовому, але й у кримінологічному контекстах. Зазначено, що злочинний вплив є частиною ширшого поняття протиправного впливу, однак, на відміну від інших видів протиправного впливу, злочинний вплив через свою суспільну небезпечність обмежується державою саме за допомогою норм кримінального права.Визнано, що поняття злочинного впливу, введене до вітчизняного кримінального законодавства, має серйозні недоліки, а тому є вкрай невдалим та практично не застосовним. Не тільки поняття злочинного впливу, викладене в примітці до ст. 255 КК України, але й склад злочину, передбачений ст. 255-1 КК України (умисне встановлення або поширення злочинного впливу у суспільстві), є такими, що потребують суттєвого доопрацювання з боку законодавця.

A comparative analysis of the policies of the national government in Madrid and the Catalan government towards the independence of the autonomous community in the context of the 2014 and 2017 referendums is performed in the paper. Both referendums were defined as public acts of self-determination of Catalans and had no legal force because they contradicted the Spanish Constitution. But Catalan political leaders Artur Mas and Carles Puigdemont had different strategies for the referendum. The 2014 referendum was presented by the regional authorities as a consultative survey on the political future of the autonomous community. And the referendum of 2017 was already comprehended as a full-fledged legal act of self-determination of Catalonia. On October 27, 2017, the Parliament of Catalonia voted in favor of the resolution on the separation of the autonomous community from Spain. Catalonia was proclaimed an independent sovereign republic. Madrid, in response to the unilateral declaration of independence by the Catalan parliament, abolished the autonomy of the region. The government was dismissed and direct administration was introduced. By activating Article 155 of the Spanish Constitution, the Spanish authorities hoped to stabilize the situation in Catalonia, but this method did not work. Both parties did not hear or understand each other. Strict actions of Spanish security forces during the 2017 referendum, activation of Art. 155 of the Spanish Constitution, and the arrests of separatist leaders provoked protests of a large number of Catalans. They regarded the actions of the Spanish authorities as a violation of civil rights and human dignity. Both the government of Artur Mas and the government of Carles Puigdemont agreed that Catalonia needed a full-fledged referendum on sovereignty in the conditions of the absence of a meaningful dialogue with Madrid. EU mediation to facilitate dialogue between the two governments would be the most effective way to de-escalate tensions, but it is also the least likely scenario. Both parties declare their openness to negotiations on the painful problem, but at the same time accuse each other of the impossibility of such a step. Madrid has repeatedly stated that there is a dialogue between the parties and even the achievement of certain results in the negotiations, but this directly contradicts the information provided by the Catalan authorities. In such statements, the Spanish central government refers primarily to the effective interaction between the center and the region, established before the coming to power of Artur Mas and Carles Puigdemont. This, in turn, indicates the inability of the central government to maintain an open dialogue with the regional government. The most favorable option for resolving the Catalan crisis remains a political dialogue between the central Spanish government and the Catalan authorities. ; У статті вивчено сучасну політичну ситуацію в Іспанії, динаміку каталонського конфлікту, увагу акцентовано на незаконних, з точки зору іспанської влади, референдумах про незалежність Каталонії 2014 і 2017 років, здійснено їхню порівняльну характеристику. У ході аналізу зроблено спробу пояснення, чому каталонські референдуми були по-різному осмислені регіональними політичними лідерами. Увагу зосереджено на дослідженні засобів і методів протидії центральної влади у Мадриді сецесійним проявам в автономному співтоваристві Каталонія.

The Catholic Church in Peru has played a political role in various decision-making spheres within Peruvian society. During the period of the Peruvian independence, the Catholic Church kept a low profile and was rejected by the dominant political sector with a liberal tendency. However, such prominence arose after the war with Chile when due to the presidency of Nicolas de Piérola and the actions of the Lima widows, theresurgence of this organization was achieved. In this scenario, the Catholic Church in Peru would beginto show itself to the population as an organizing entity, protector of women and at the same time as a defenderof a social politics based on charity and on others. This new role would be reinforced throughout the20th century due to the application of an organization and structure policy of the Peruvian society. We willsee this in the political, social, and cultural articulation that the Catholic Church had with the differentparticipants and social agents in Peru. During the period of terrorism in Peru, the Catholic Church playeda role as mediator and protector of human rights that had been violated by both, the government forces,and the terrorists. Finally, at the beginning of the 21st century, we will see its ability to gather people tosupport or disapprove policies given by the governments on duty; for instance, «the March for Life» thatbrought together different conservative political forces to avoid the approval of abortion ; La Iglesia católica en el Perú ha jugado un papel político en diversas esferas de decisión dentro de la sociedad peruana. En la época de la independencia la Iglesia católica mantuvo un perfil bajo y de rechazo por parte del sector político dominante de tendencia liberal. Pero este protagonismo como tal surgió luego de la guerra con Chile donde a partir de la presidencia de Nicolas de Piérola y el accionar de las viudas limeñas logran el resurgimiento de esta institución. En este panorama, la Iglesia católica en el Perú comenzaría a mostrarse ante la población como un ente organizador, protector de las mujeres y a su vez promotor de una política social basada en la caridad y en el prójimo. Este nuevo rol adquirido lo reforzaría a lo largo del siglo XX con la aplicación de una política de organización y estructuración de la sociedad peruana. Ello lo veremos en la articulación política, social y cultural que mantenía con los diversos actores y agentes sociales del ámbito peruano. Durante el periodo del terrorismo en el Perú, la Iglesia católica jugó un papel de mediador y protector de los derechos humanos que venían siendo violados tanto por las fuerzas del orden como por los terroristas. Finalmente, a la entrada del siglo XXI veremos su capacidad de congregar a las personas para apoyar o desaprobar políticas dadas por los gobiernos de turno; por ejemplo «la Marcha por la vida» que conjugó distintas fuerzas políticas conservadoras para evitar la aprobación el aborto.

Understanding this moment of the Spanish transition period within the Church, as a catalyst for a prepared change, makes us look to the Second Vatican Council II - the Dignitatis humanae declaration - where the Catholic Church passed from the confessional state, as Model, to the proclamation of religious freedom. Propitiated by this council and by figures such as those of Cardinal Tarancón who was not worried about the non-denominational state but of religious freedom, he was part of public liberties. The Church played an important role in this path towards democracy, with an outstanding contribution to reconciliation and the restoration of rights and freedoms. According to history, this is a chapter that has not been closed yet, as if the waves of these events continued -becoming less and less- giving reasons for tension, discussion (too heated) and questioning how they were carried out, and how are those actions of the Spanish transition updated. Something makes us intuit that everything is not well done (something very human) and that revisionism is not always made to grow. ; Comprender este momento de la Transiciónen el interior de la Iglesia, como catalizador para un cambio preparado nos hace tener la mirada puesta en el Concilio Vaticano II –en concreto de la declaración Dignitatis humanae–, donde la Iglesia Católica pasó del Estado confesional, como modelo, a la proclamación de la libertad religiosa. Propiciado por este concilio y por figuras como la del Cardenal Tarancón al que no le preocupaba la aconfesionalidad del Estado sino que la libertad religiosa formase parte de las libertades públicas. La Iglesia tuvo un importante papel en este camino hacia la democracia, con una destacada contribución a la reconciliación y la reinstauración de derechos y libertades. La sensación histórica es la de un capítulo aún sin cerrar, dando motivos para la tensión, la discusión (demasiado acalorada) y el cuestionar como se realizaron, y como se actualizan esas actuaciones de la Transición. Algo nos hace intuir que no está bien realizado todo (algo muy humano) y que el revisionismo no siempre es para crecer. ; Compreender este momento de transição dentro da Igreja, como um catalisador para uma mudança preparada, nos faz olhar para o Concílio Vaticano II - especificamente a declaração Dignitatis humanae - onde a Igreja Católica passou do Estado confessional, como um modelo, para a proclamação da liberdade religiosa. Isto foi promovido por este conselho e por figuras como o Cardeal Tarancón, que não estava preocupado com a natureza não confessional do Estado, mas com a liberdade religiosa que faz parte das liberdades públicas. A Igreja desempenhou um papel importante neste caminho rumo à democracia, com uma notável contribuição para a reconciliação e o restabelecimento dos direitos e liberdades. A sensação histórica é a de um capítulo que ainda não foi encerrado, dando origem a tensão, discussão (muito acalorada) e questionamento de como essas ações da transição foram realizadas, e como estão sendo atualizadas. Algo nos faz sentir que nem tudo é bem feito (algo muito humano) e que o revisionismo nem sempre é para o bem do crescimento.

Triggered by the ongoing transformation of Singapore's manufacturing industries towards 'smart(er)' manufacturing with a focus on digitising and automating production processes and more competitive business models, this study contributes to the limited Asian management literature about the readiness and impact of 'Industry 4.0' (I4.0) on the business models of Singapore's Small and Medium-sized manufacturing Enterprises (SMEs). I4.0 encompasses adopting opportunities from end-to-end digitalisation with connected computers and increasingly autonomous automation systems equipped with intelligent machine learning algorithms that control robotics with minimal human input. As the traditional manufacturing model is increasingly replaced by advanced, high-value manufacturing technologies such as the Industrial Internet-of-Things (IIoT), cloud computing, real-time data processing and insights etc., adopting the right enabling technologies in a phased manner with proper planning (based on a value-added business cum operating model) is critical for the successful adoption of I4.0 solutions. To examine the readiness and impact of I4.0 on the business models of Singapore's manufacturing SMEs and associated challenges such as digitalisation and business model innovation, a (grounded theory)qualitative case study research approach was adopted based on A. Osterwalder's Business Model Canvas (BMC) framework and semistructured interviews with experts and owner-managers of local manufacturing SMEs. During phase one of the study, eight key decision-makers across Singapore's I4.0 ecosystem comprising government agencies, Institutes of Higher Learnings (IHLs), suppliers/providers of technology, business associations and the local SME sector were interviewed. During phase two, a multiple case studycovered four manufacturing SMEs (medical technology, engineering equipment, machine vision and imaging) via inductively analysed indepth interviews with their owner-managers. The expert interviewshelped to identify five key drivers (Government's technology push with funding and training support, labour dependence, productivity and efficiency issues, pressure to innovate business models due to increased competition, impact of Covid-19) and four main barriers (ROI concerns, capability and mindset issues, ecosystem limitations) for adopting and implementing Industry 4.0 approaches. Industry 4.0 technologies like IIoT, Artificial Intelligence (AI), Robotics, Data and Image Analytics, and Big Data were the most preferred technology choices across the four SMEs. The case companies excellently leveraged several BMC related 'building blocks' such as 'Key Partners', 'Key Activities', 'Key Resources', 'Cost Structure' and 'Customer Relationships'. 'Channels' and 'Revenue Streams' turned out to be low impact areas (with 'Value Proposition' and 'Customer Segments' as medium impact areas). A lean manufacturing approach with datadriven decision-making combined with a High-Mix-Low-Volume (HMLV) strategy was the preferred Smart Manufacturing route adopted by the four SMEs. The case companies (which have benefitted significantly from the ongoing Smart Factory ecosystem expansion led by A*STAR) were moderately advanced on their I4.0 transformation journey. They pursued a (smart) incremental I4.0 adoption strategy via a phased and bite-sized module implementation approach. Challenges ahead include heavy focus on bottom-line metrics, precision engineering skills upgrading and wider use of business models and supply chain innovations such as Product-Service Systems (PSS), Device-as-a- Service (DaaS) or prescriptive AI.

A historical analysis is carried out regarding the emergence of the term "intellectual property" abroad, during the Soviet Union, in modern legal Ukraine and the need for clarifying the understanding of this concept is established. The absence of a single universally accepted world definition of the concept of "intellectual property" and the variety of possible definitions creates a large economic and legal lag for the practical implementation of innovative activities, when each scientist, entrepreneur or employee understands this definition in his own way, taking into account his own benefits. At the legislative level, only a generalized concept is fixed, which also requires legislatively fixed explanations for each group of intellectual property objects, including for the latest technological results of the fourth industrial revolution. Various definitions of the concept of "intellectual property" are examined, and the shortcomings of these definitions are evaluated.The most popular classifications of the concept of intellectual property are analyzed. The question of the appropriateness of using standard affiliation with the industrial use of only industrial property objects has been raised; the use of copyright and related rights objects has been added in the scientific, technical and industrial fields.A new definition of "intellectual property" is proposed, given the triple nature of its structure, and the practical application of the proposed definition is shown. Intellectual property has never been limited only to the legal protection of the results of human intellectual activity, but now, using the triple nature of intellectual property, it enables researchers and practitioners of intellectual property to more comprehensively examine the traditional categories of the intellectual property system and to conduct a comprehensive analysis of the developed intellectual property to obtain maximum profit from innovation. ; Проведено історичний аналіз щодо виникнення терміну «інтелектуальна власність» закордоном, за часів Радянського Союзу, в сучасній правовій Україні та встановлено необхідність уточнення розуміння цього поняття. Відсутність єдиного загальноприйнятого світового визначення поняття «інтелектуальна власність» та різноманіття ймовірних визначень створює великий економічно-правовий лаг для практичного здійснення інноваційної діяльності, коли кожний науковець, підприємець чи працівник розуміє дане визначення по-своєму, з огляду на свої вигоди. На законодавчому рівні закріплене лише узагальнене поняття, котре потребує також законодавчо закріплених пояснень щодо кожної групи об'єктів інтелектуальної власності, в тому числі для новітніх технологічних результатів четвертої промислової революції. Розглянуто різні визначення поняття «інтелектуальна власність», проведена оцінка недоліків цих визначень.Проаналізовано найпопулярніші класифікації поняття інтелектуальної власності. Порушено питання щодо доцільності використання стандартної приналежності до промислового використання тільки об'єктів промислової власності, до науково-технічної та виробничої сфер додано використання об'єктів авторського та суміжних прав. Запропоновано нове визначення «інтелектуальної власності» з огляду на потрійний характер його структури та показане практичне застосування запропонованого визначення. Інтелектуальна власність ніколи не була обмежена рамками тільки правової охорони результатів інтелектуальної діяльності людини, але тепер, з використанням потрійної природи інтелектуальної власності, надає змогу дослідникам та практикам інтелектуальної власності більш комплексно розглядати традиційні категорії системи інтелектуальної власності та робити всебічний аналіз розроблених об'єктів інтелектуальної власності задля отримання максимального прибутку від інновацій.

Le temps des poules…le temps des canards ?Une analyse rétrospective : loin de n'être qu'une donnée biologique, ou une catégorie démographique, la notion d'aîné renvoie en Afrique à des structures sociales de type inégalitaire et connote des privilèges, des dotations, des responsabilités et des obligations différenciés.Dans les sociétés lignagères africaines, les aînés constituaient une minorité démographique mais occupaient une position hégémonique sur un triple plan : économique, socio-culturel et politique. La monétarisation des économies, les changements démographiques, l'urbanisation et d'autres facteurs liés à la colonisation ont introduit des germes de changement dans l'ordre qui régnait dans ces sociétés et remettent en question, en bien des endroits et sous plusieurs rapports, cette hégémonie.Nul ne connait la couleur de la prochaine aurore.Une analyse prospective essaiera de répondre à la question de savoir ce qu'il peut advenir du vivre ensemble, des relations intra et intergénérationnelles, et donc de la place des aînés en Afrique dans les années à venir. Pour l'heure, deux scenarios contrastés sont à la fois plausibles et possibles pour l'Afrique.L'un, qu'on pourrait dire tendanciel parce que basé sur les tendances récentes, consisterait en une dépréciation/relégation/marginalisation des aînés qui viendrait consacrer le basculement de l'Afrique vers un resserrement de l'éventail des solidarités. Un autre scénario consisterait pour les sociétés africaines à essayer de tisser une nouvelle corde à partir de l'ancienne.Il s'agirait d'opérer un tri dans les systèmes de valeurs et référents axiologiques hérités des aînés en vue de n'en retenir que les éléments porteurs de progrès, de démocratie, de respect des droits humains. Le rôle des politiques publiques sera brièvement examiné dans ce cadre. ; The time of the hens…the time of the ducksA retrospective analysis: far from being only a biological fact, or a demographic category, the notion of "elderly" refers in Africa to unequal social structures and connotes privileges, endowments, responsibilities and differentiated obligations.In African lineage societies, the elders constituted a demographic minority but occupied a hegemonic position at a triple level : economic, socio-cultural and political. The monetarization of economies, demographic changes, urbanization and other factors related to colonization have introduced seeds of change in the order that prevailed in these societies and are challenging this hegemony in many places and in many ways.No one knows the color of the next dawn.A prospective analysis will try to answer the question of what can happen to living together, intra- and intergenerational relations, and therefore the place of the elderly in Africa in the years to come. For now, two contrasting scenarios are both plausible and possible for Africa.One, which could be said to be trend-oriented because it is based on recent trends, would consist of a depreciation/relegation/marginalization of the elderly, which would enshrine Africa's shift towards a narrowing of the range of solidarities.Another scenario would be for African societies to try to weave a new rope from the old one.It would be a question of sorting through the axiological value systems and referents inherited from the elderly in order to retain only the elements that bring progress, democracy and respect for human rights. The role of public policy will be briefly examined in this context.

The last civil-military-corporative dictatorship in Argentina, had the objective to install a socio-economic and political model, and its existence and sustainability over time was possible thanks to the participation of differentes social actors. Both actively and by omission, a large part of civil society justified y legitimated torture, kidnapping and other human rights violations, calling against the victims the "something must have been done" discourse. This meaning were, later, taken up again to deny that what happened was, actually, a genocide[i] organized and committed by the argentinian state. Although since the return of democracy the memory, truth and justice discourse could consolidated, the meanings around the "theory of the two demons'' found, during the government of Mauricio Macri, the possibility of resurgence in the political discourse of officials and candidates for public office, like José Luis Espert and Juan José Gómez Centurión. [i] The decision to use the concept "genocide" to name what has happened was based on understand the genocide social practice as the destruction of the people, that happens through the destruction of their relationship of autonomy and cooperation (Feierstein, 2017, p.230). ; La última dictadura cívico-militar-corporativa en la Argentina tuvo el objetivo de instalar un modelo socioeconómico y político, y su existencia y sostenimiento en el tiempo fueron posibles gracias a la participación de diferentes actores sociales. Tanto activamente como por omisión, gran parte de la sociedad civil justificó y legitimó torturas, secuestros y otras vulneraciones de derechos humanos, con el discurso de que "algo habrán hecho" las víctimas. Estos sentidos fueron retomados, posteriormente, para negar que lo sucedido haya sido, en efecto, un genocidio[i] organizado y cometido por el estado argentino. Si bien desde el retorno de la democracia pudo afianzarse el discurso de memoria, verdad y justicia, los sentidos en torno a la "teoría de los dos demonios"[ii] encontraron, durante el gobierno de Mauricio Macri, la posibilidad de resurgir en el discurso político de funcionarios y de candidatos a ocupar cargos públicos, como es el caso de José Luis Espert y Juan José Gomez Centurión. [i] La decisión de utilizar el concepto "genocidio" para denominar lo sucedido parte de comprender a las prácticas sociales genocidas como "la destrucción de la identidad de un pueblo", que se produce "a través del quiebre de sus relaciones de autonomía y cooperación" (Feierstein, 2017, p.230). [ii] Si bien resulta complejo determinar el origen y la definición precisa de la denominada "teoría de los dos demonios", "ya en los tempranos 70 había quienes planteaban los fundamentos de la idea, en la referencia abstracta a 'la violencia' como una figura que tendía a homologar las diversas acciones de la insurgencia armada, las tomas de fábricas, las movilizaciones masivas o las 'luchas de calles' con los secuestros y asesinatos realizados por organizaciones paraestatales o los fusilamientos e incipientes desapariciones cometidas por las fuerzas armadas y las fuerzas de seguridad" (Feierstein, 2017, p.11).

The article researches the term "criminal influence" which was introduced to the Criminal Code of Ukraine (hereinafter – the CC of Ukraine) by the Law of Ukraine "On amendments to the Criminal Code of Ukraine regarding liability for crimes committed by criminal community", and its correlation with the institute of complicity in a crime, in particular with objective elements of accomplices in a crime, as well as with illegal influence. The author concludes that there may be one narrow and two broad types of understanding of this term. Moreover, criminal influence may be considered not only from the criminal legal but also from the criminological point of view. Criminal influence is a part of the broader term of illegal influence. However, in contrast to other types of illegal influence, criminal influence, due to its social danger, is limited by the state specifically by the means of criminal law.The term of criminal influence introduced to the Ukrainian criminal legislation has serious gaps, so that it is extremely poor and practically inapplicable. Moreover, not only this term defined in the note to Art. 255 of the CC of Ukraine, but also corpus delicti provided for in Art. 255-1 of the CC of Ukraine (intentional establishment or dissemination of the criminal influence in society) should be substantially revised. The usage of general formulations and abstract concepts in the disposition of Art. 255-1 of the CC of Ukraine, as well as non-exhaustive lists of objective and subjective elements in the definition of the term of criminal influence violates the principle of legal certainty as a part of a broader rule of law principle. Bringing individuals to the criminal liability for committing crimes related to the criminal influence (intentional establishment or dissemination of the criminal influence in society and request for its application) or conviction of individuals for these crimes with a high probability will cause substantial violations of fundamental principles of criminal law and human rights. ; Статтю присвячено дослідженню поняття «злочинний вплив», яке було введено до Кримінального кодексу України Законом України «Про внесення змін до Кримінального кодексу України щодо відповідальності за злочини, вчинені злочинною спільнотою», та його співвідношення з інститутом співучасті у вчиненні злочину, зокрема з об'єктивними ознаками співучасників у вчиненні злочину, а також із протиправним впливом. Автор доходить висновку про можливість вузького та двох форм широкого розуміння цього поняття, до того ж злочинний вплив можна розглядати не тільки в кримінально-правовому, але й у кримінологічному контекстах. Зазначено, що злочинний вплив є частиною ширшого поняття протиправного впливу, однак, на відміну від інших видів протиправного впливу, злочинний вплив через свою суспільну небезпечність обмежується державою саме за допомогою норм кримінального права.Визнано, що поняття злочинного впливу, введене до вітчизняного кримінального законодавства, має серйозні недоліки, а тому є вкрай невдалим та практично не застосовним. Не тільки поняття злочинного впливу, викладене в примітці до ст. 255 КК України, але й склад злочину, передбачений ст. 255-1 КК України (умисне встановлення або поширення злочинного впливу у суспільстві), є такими, що потребують суттєвого доопрацювання з боку законодавця.

This text studies the most important institutional process for the generation of educational policies in the transition to democracy in Chile at the end of the 20th century: the Comisión Nacional para la Modernización de la Educación. The objective of this government initiative was to generate a political and ideological platform shared by the "national community" that would pave the way for educational reform. The Commission was hegemonized by the government and the right-wing opposition, in a context in which they had high control over a weakened civil society, and there were thin boundaries between the political and expert fields. Ideologically, the ideas of human capital and Catholic conservatism predominated. The recommended policies were aimed at strengthening the educational market, with a promoting and evaluating State. The text conceives education as a field of political and ideological dispute. The modes of political and ideological articulation are analyzed from the extensive review of written primary sources, especially the press, the reports of the instance and government decrees. ; El texto estudia el proceso institucional de generación de políticas educacionales más importante de la transición a la democracia en Chile a fines del siglo XX: la Comisión Nacional para la Modernización de la Educación. Esta iniciativa gubernamental tuvo como objetivo generar una plataforma política e ideológica compartida por la "comunidad nacional" que allanase la reforma educacional. La Comisión fue hegemonizada por el gobierno y la oposición de derecha, en un contexto en el que tenían alto control sobre una debilitada sociedad civil, y existían tenues deslindes entre los campos político y experto. Ideológicamente predominaron los idearios del capital humano y del conservadurismo católico. Las políticas recomendadas tuvieron por norte fortalecer el mercado educacional, con un Estado promotor y evaluador de tal. El texto concibe a la educación como un campo de disputa política e ideológica. Se analizan los modos de articulación política e ideológica a partir de la revisión extensa de fuentes primarias escritas, especialmente prensa, los informes de la instancia y decretos gubernamentales. ; O texto estuda o processo institucional mais importante para a geração de políticas educacionais na transição para a democracia no Chile no final do século XX: a Comisión Nacional para la Modernización de la Educación. O objetivo desta iniciativa do governo era gerar uma plataforma política e ideológica compartilhada pela "comunidade nacional" que abriria o caminho para a reforma educacional. A Comissão foi hegemonizada pelo governo e pela oposição de direita, em um contexto em que possuíam alto controle sobre uma sociedade civil enfraquecida, e havia tênues fronteiras entre o campo político e o de especialistas. Ideologicamente, as ideologias do capital humano e do conservadorismo católico predominaram. As políticas recomendadas visam o fortalecimento do mercado educacional, com um Estado promotor e avaliador. O texto concebe a educação como um campo de disputa política e ideológica. Os modos de articulação política e ideológica são analisados a partir da extensa revisão de fontes primárias escritas, principalmente da imprensa, dos relatórios da instância e dos decretos governamentais.

The global population is ageing, and with it the demand for health and social care. However, the number of people working in the sector is not keeping pace with the change, and the people who have traditionally provided informal and voluntary care are under increasing pressure. This growing gap between need and resources presents a challenge to countries in Europe and beyond, and all are seeking care and support arrangements that are better adapted and prepared for the future. There is evidence from research and practice that technology can help to meet the challenge. However, it is still rare to find good matches between the technology and needs, and many potentially useful technical solutions do not find their way to those who could benefit. This policy paper is one outcome from a project which investigated these issues across a range of European countries. The key recommendations are A vision of good later life: Developments in technology and caring need to be seen in the context of a vision of good later life, as understood by those who receive care and those who provide it, and in a framework of human rights. This matters because while it is clear that technology can play an important part in improving the quality of life of older people, technological interests are sometimes prioritised over client needs. Policy coordination: Governments should aim for better coordination of public policymaking. This should include not only the most obvious Departments – health and social care services - but also digital services, housing, transport, employment, vocational training and others. This matters because technological development is taking place on a piecemeal basis, and relevant government Departments and agencies are not always involved or coordinated. This leads to inefficient use of resources. Consumer information: A service or agency is needed, ideally at European level, to undertake independent evaluation of the technologies and tools available, and use that to provide information in appropriate forms to government, organisations providing care, carers and older people themselves. This matters because although a great deal of relevant creative technological innovation is taking place in Europe, and it is difficult to establish what is available, what works, in what circumstances, for what groups of older people and at what cost. As a result, governments, care providers and older people themselves, risk making poor investment decisions, in the development of tools and their purchase, delivery and use. Digital literacy: Governments should ensure that appropriate education is available to enable older people and their carers to confidently make use of the technologies available. This matters because older people are the least likely group to have developed digital skills, although their quality of life, and the efficient use of the services available, will increasingly depend on confident use of technologies. Carers must be included because, while they can be valuable in supporting older people in the use of technologies, they can also be a barrier when they lack the necessary digital skills themselves.

¿Quiénes quedan fuera de las organizaciones que se constituyen para demandar justicia? ¿cómo se construyen las clasificaciones y las jerarquías sociales en torno a los familiares de víctimas?, ¿de qué modos se logran inscribir ciertas muertes y desapariciones como un problema y un drama colectivo en Argentina? En este artículo muestro cómo se fue configurando políticamente la desaparición de un joven proveniente de sectores populares en la ciudad de Córdoba (Argentina) y los reclamos de su familia, a partir del análisis de las trayectorias implicadas y del agenciamiento particular de las redes que se entramaron con organismos de derechos humanos. En el marco de este proceso analizo, por un lado, el modo en que el parentesco pasa a constituirse como un principio organizador que habilita a fundar las articulaciones de repertorios y demandas entre un pasado reciente y un presente democrático. Y, por otro, indago cómo la desaparición se fue legitimando en diversos espacios sociales, académicos y políticos, consiguiendo trascender la construcción del caso judicial, ligado a una violencia horizontal de orden privado. Más allá del dictamen de la Justicia, la desaparición,como muerte inconclusa, (re)actualiza constantemente la lucha y vuelve a colocar el acento sobre la responsabilidad de las agencias del Estado. Por último, a partir del recorrido etnográfico y desde un recorte de clase, problematizo las implicancias de las inclusiones, exclusiones y fronteras que las categorías de parentesco instituyen. ; Who are left out of the organizations that are constituted to demand justice? How are classifications and social hierarchies built around the relatives of victims? In what ways are some deaths and disappearances recorded as a problem and collective drama in Argentina? In this article, I show how the disappearance of a young man from the popular sectors in the city of Córdoba (Argentina) and the claims of his family began to take shape politically, by analyzing the trajectories involved and the particular arrangement of the networks with human rights organizations. In the framework of this process I analyze, on the one hand, the way in which kinship happens to be constituted as an organizing principle that enables to establish the articulations of repertoires and demands between a recent past and a democratic present. And, on the other hand, I wonder how the disappearance was legitimized in various social, academic and political spaces, managing to transcend the construction of the judicial case, linked to horizontal violence, private order. Beyond the opinion of Justice, the disappearance, as an unfinished death, constantly updates the struggle and re-emphasizes the responsibility of state agencies. Finally, based on ethnographic work and from a class perspective, I problematize the implications of the inclusions, exclusions and frontiers that the categories of kinship institute. ; Fil: Bermúdez, Natalia Verónica. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Instituto de Antropología de Córdoba. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Filosofía y Humanidades. Instituto de Antropología de Córdoba; Argentina

Irregular migration has been a persistent socio-historical phenomenon in the last 40 years in El Salvador, mainly motivated by difficult socioeconomic conditions and lack of job opportunities. In the country, scenarios of social exclusion are generatedthat promote the emigration of many citizens who leave with the hope of obtaining economic prosperity and a stable sociocultural environment in other territories. Being a transcendent phenomenon, irregular migration must be approached from a multicausal and scientific perspective, focusing on its economic, political and sociocultural nuances, in which young people are mainly involved. Based on these considerations, this article addresses the socioeconomic reality of young schoolchildren in the municipality of San Miguel residing in urban and rural areas, their expectations and opinions regarding the possibility of migrating, socioeconomic conditions and context of insecurity in which they live; also, experiences of young people who lived closely the phenomenon of irregular migration and returned to the country as returnees. On the other hand, it was investigated the assistance work of variousinstitutions that are closely linked with migrants and returnees, through socioeconomic initiatives and projects for their socioeconomic reintegration. The approach to the phenomenon studied allowed the researchers to propose actions to the government and institutions of society in favor of the integrity, dignity and respect for the human rights of migrants and returnees, to implement inter-institutional strategies in socio-educational and labor matters that affect prevention of migration ; La migración irregular ha sido un fenómeno socio histórico persistente en los últimos 40 años en El Salvador, motivado fundamentalmente por las difíciles condiciones socioeconómicas y falta de oportunidades laborales. En el país se generan escenarios de exclusión social que impulsan la emigración de muchos ciudadanos que se marchan con la esperanza de obtener prosperidad económica y un entorno sociocultural estable en otros territorios. La migración irregular debe ser abordada desde una perspectiva multicausal y científica, enfocando sus matices económicos, políticos y socioculturales en los que se ven involucrados principalmente los jóvenes; trabajo con enfoque mixto. A partir de las consideraciones mencionadas anteriormente en este artículo se aborda la realidad socioeconómica de jóvenes escolarizados del municipio de San Miguel residentes en zonas urbanas y rurales, se presentan sus expectativas y opiniones respecto a la posibilidad de migrar, las condiciones socioeconómicas y el contexto de inseguridad en que viven; asimismo, experiencias de jóvenes que vivieron de cerca el fenómeno de la migración irregular y volvieron al país en calidad de retornados. Por otra parte, se indagó en el trabajo de asistencia que realizan diversas instituciones que se vinculan medularmente con migrantes y retornados, mediante iniciativas y proyectos socioeconómicos para su reinserción socioeconómica. La aproximación al fenómeno estudiado permitió a los investigadores proponer acciones al gobierno e instituciones de la sociedad en favor de la integridad, dignidad y respeto a los derechos humanos de las personas migrantes y retornadas para implementar estrategias interinstitucionales en materia socioeducativa y laboral que incidan en la prevención de la migración.