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Given the fact that two-thirds of all intrastate wars since 1945 have included foreign interventions, what drives sovereign states to support non-state conflict parties? In order to understand causes and calculations of this particular type of third party intervention, this book connects some of the most important contemporary debates in international relations, ranging from security cooperation between states and non-state actors to the effects of intervention on both local conflict dynamics and interstate relations. Presenting a new theoretical framework and a multidimensional concept of support (endorsement, hosting, as well as financial and military assistance), this book establishes a systematic path between international as well as domestic incentives and specific types of sponsorship policies. In a subsequent comparative analysis, the author examines conditions and dynamics of Syria's cooperation with Fatah, the Kurdistan Workers' Party, and Hizballah from 1964 to 2006.

The disintegration of the socialist regime in Europe did away with the bipolar model of world order and inaugurated a new phase in seeking a new structure and model of international relations. This new world order, only broadly outlined and characterised by (mostly) unilateral leadership, has already been challenged. Two superpowers China and Russia - condemn the hegemony, unilateralism and the attempts at dictating the international relations. China and Russia are supported by a group of disgruntled countries who also think that a broadly-based multi-polarity is the direction that inter-national relations and the new world order should take. Judging by these challenges and criticisms it might be said that only multilateral co-operativeness can guarantee validity to the nascent world order. (SOI : PM: S. 93)

Washington and Berlin have settled their differences over the gas pipeline through the Baltic Sea. For the time being, this has halted the spiralling energy security dilemma. While Washington is sending a clear signal that constructive relations with Berlin are important, the German government is now called upon to implement a variety of measures. Still, the project remains a political issue. Kyiv and Warsaw have already signalled their opposition. A grand bargain that is not only bilaterally agreed upon but also involves Ukraine and commits Russia has not yet been achieved. (author's abstract)

Staaten, die negative Externalitäten durch das Verhalten anderer Staaten erfahren, haben einen Anreiz, internationale Organisationen zur Änderung dieses Verhaltens zu schaffen. Die Institutionen, die Staaten schaffen, um den Anreizen zum Abweichen zu begegnen, unterscheiden sich hinsichtlich des institutionellen Anwendungsbereichs zur Erreichung dieses Ziels. Wenn symmetrische Externalitäten auftreten, tendieren Staaten zur Schaffung beschränkter Institutionen, die auf problemspezifischen Reziprozitäten basieren. Wenn sie sich asymmetrischen Externalitäten gegenübersehen, tendieren Staaten zur Ausweitung der institutionellen Reichweite durch Verkettungsstrategien. Wenn die Opfer stärker als die Verursacher der Externalität sind, enthalten die evt. geschaffenen Institutionen die negative Verbindung von Sanktionen oder Zwang. Wenn die Opfer schwächer sind, entstehen eher Tausch-Institutionen mit der positiven Verbindung der Belohnung. Der Einfluss des situativen Kontexts auf die institutionelle Ausgestaltung wird mit drei Fallbeispielen illustriert: internationaler Walfang, Ozonschichtabbau und Verschmutzung des Rheins. (SWP-Jns)

Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump are an unlikely couple. She the experienced politician and former Secretary of State, he the outsider, whose opinions frequently appear crude and contradictory. Moreover, they both advocate completely different ideals as far as America's role in the world is concerned. Clinton champions a liberal international order, to the preservation of which the USA is dedicating significant resources, while Trump is putting his chips on "America first". Which of these ideals will shape US politics in the future does not solely depend on the presidential election results. The policy realignment currently being implemented by the two major parties could prove just as relevant. (Autorenreferat)

Berlin is pursuing ambitious plans for security and defence, with significant potential for the Bundeswehr and European partner militaries. In the long-term, the Bundeswehr could well become Europe's indispensable army, with Germany as a "framework nation" contributing decisively to NATO's readiness. This will require the future German government to accept an unaccustomed politico-military leadership role. It will also be necessary to increase defence spending for the long term. (author's abstract)

In September 2017 the EU updated its 2013 Cyber Security Strategy. The new version is intended to improve the protection of Europe's critical infrastructure and boost the EU's digital self-assertiveness towards other regions of the world. But the reformed strategy leaves open a number of questions as to how its objective of an "open, safe and secure cyberspace" will be credibly defended, both internally and externally. The EU has neither properly defined resilience or deterrence nor made sufficiently clear how it intends to overcome institutional fragmentation and lack of legal authority in cybersecurity issues. Moreover, controversial topics – such as the harmonisation of criminal law or the use of encryption – have been entirely omitted. Member states should abandon their standalone efforts and speed up the legal regulation of cybersecurity at the EU level. (Autorenreferat)

This special issue of WeltTrends, titled "Perspectives of Transatlanticism. A Debate," features the debate about the future of the transatlantic relationship & world order after the Iraq war. The debate was started by Thomas Risse, with his article in the previous edition. Risse elaborated on three main points of contention between the US & Europe: the role of international law & multilateralism, democracy & human rights, & the strategy toward new security threats. Most of the scholars contributing to this issue agree with Risse in that there is no alternative to the transatlantic partnership & offer possible paths toward its renewal. The debate will be continued with additional comments & a rebuttal by Risse in the next (winter) issue. Adapted from the source document.