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Crowded and isolated Black and Latino neighborhoods are marked by economic deprivation and social depression. Many residents of these neighborhoods are disconnected from the larger society, no longer able to share in the values or social norms of majority America. The study of this concentrated poverty has become a new mini-industry. There has been a spate of books, reports, and articles on the phenomenon, which is variously known as "persistent poverty," the "underclass," or the "new poor." The authors of this book reject the label "underclass" because it is demeaning and "new poor" because it is inaccurate. We find it more profitable to focus on the problems of separation. Poverty has always afflicted America, and even long-term poverty has been an issue during other periods of the nation's development. Today, American society faces a period of growing social and economic separation, caused by worsened opportunities for the poor and resulting in more destructive long-term consequences for them and the society as a whole. We begin with the idea that global economic restructuring has since about 1975 altered the way political and social institutions work at every level in America. Until politics and economics are again reshaped, the problems of urban poverty will remain severe. Reshaping may begin as the pressures from urban separation force community-level institutions and politics to respond; in their response we believe these institutions should be strengthened, restructured, and redirected. Multi-local coalitions should be formed to press for re-allocation of federal resources in favor of domestic needs and for re-regulation of the national economy in favor of workers and common citizens. Only then can a successful attack begin on the problems of persistent poverty. To set the stage for directing the reader's attention to the conditions under which neighborhood organizations and municipal governments can mount a successful attack that will modify the structure and management of the national political economy, we have collected props from a wide-ranging survey. We begin by looking at such broad concerns as the behavior of the global economy, and we conclude with a focus on such narrow questions as the viability of particular municipal programs to alleviate poverty. In the middle sections, our survey shows in detail how persistent poverty in American cities is connected to various influential structures and processes: the global economy, the U.S. industrial structure, federal social policy, metropolitan labor markets, and finally, local politics and policy. We imagine a network of connections. At each of five nodes some of these processes are going through changes, being "restructured" or reorganized. Until quite recently it was assumed that basic needs--such as housing, education, health care, neighborhood safety, and jobs--could be made available to nearly all Americans. Programs to provide these necessities had been expanding for over 50 years, the guarantee becoming over time more accepted as a social responsibility; but suddenly this basic commitment to a social contract has been changed. American society now promises little and delivers less to people or communities who cannot provide for themselves. In the process of transformation, the world's richest nation is creating a third-world sub-society within its own borders. Policymakers have adopted three ways of thinking about these emerging problems. Some hold to the notion that poverty is increasing because a lax welfare state has generated a large group of "nonparticipants," "marginal people," bums. Probably a larger group of policymakers think the rising problems of the poor are caused simply by cutbacks in resources devoted to social equity. A third group sees poverty as an almost inevitable consequence of the vagaries of the market, made worse in recent years by globalization of the economy and lack of a national economic plan. Our argument is that the recent upsurge in persistent urban poverty has been generated by a particular set of American political responses to transformations in structure of the global and domestic economies, exacerbated considerably by a long process of highly subsidized suburbanization and by racism. The purpose of this book is to support this argument by reviewing and interpreting research on the global economy, industrial change, and public policy. In doing this we are able to estimate their combined effects on cities, neighborhoods, and residents. Since the late 1970s the global economy has become increasingly integrated, and American corporations have moved world-wide in search of cheaper ways to produce to meet stiff competition. As a result, American workers have felt a steady erosion of their power and a persistent reduction in their standard of living. There is a trickledown effect in reverse, a backwash that swamps American labor. Unskilled workers have been marginalized by widespread plant shut-downs and blue-collar lay-offs, and they have found a paucity of good career ladders, stuck instead in low-wage, dead-end, service jobs. At the same time, many poorly prepared immigrants have arrived; many women have come to head families, finding themselves unable to support households on their own;) and discrimination against minorities has continued. While some Americans have benefitted financially from the post 1970 changes, the poorest have been pushed down or cut adrift. The federal government, preoccupied with global-economy issues, and careful to be responsive to the growing demands of its new, upper-middle-class, suburban constituencies, has sacrificed the urban poor. State and local governments have also retrenched, adding to the crisis, by responding to demands for austerity from business, tax-paying voters and public officials alike. When the squeeze came from the global economy, public institutions were unprepared to relieve the inevitable difficulties the poor would encounter. Corporate redeployment and government economizing insured that city labor markets would turn sour, especially for basic jobs. Federal funds for cities and poor people were cut and guarantees for benefits and services were reduced. The tax revolt was managed by new politics that coalesced after 35 years of white, middle-class suburbanization the budget reductions hit hardest of all on public jobs and services in central cities. In the scramble to survive from shutdowns, contractions, layoffs, and budget cuts, everyone with any power tried to get out and get ahead, and those with less power got left farther and farther behind, increasingly separated from the main society. The majority of Black Americans and Latinos already were subjected to relatively low wages, bad housing, and poor schools. Most women supporting children by themselves already had great difficulties. New immigrants from Latin America and South East Asia were already near the bottom. In earlier years, economic growth and the development of a more liberal society had allowed some in such situations to escape the poverty of the ghetto and the bad barrios, and because many believed in this promise, some communities had an aura of hopefulness. But with the job losses and the program cuts replacing sound economic growth, and the new self-interest replacing community and collective interests, the situation worsened for those left behind; their expectations plummeted, and their communities became isolated. We find that cities and even neighborhoods have had to turn more and more to their own energies and resources. It is true that they are strapped tightly to small budgets, have made little dent so far on the most serious problems, and will ultimately have to depend on private sector job growth and re-established, well-funded, federal transfer programs. But local governments and community-based organizations are close to problems, and they have both the opportunity to become involved and the need to revitalize these poor communities. Their role in solving community problems has escalated over the last two decades, along with rising expectations for them to intervene. City halls and community organizations are therefore forced to innovate, press demands, and represent neighborhoods. From this pessimistic dilemma arises the main line of our optimism, our principle recommendation for policy. At the national level, action to reduce poverty is at a standstill, or worse. At the local level, resources are not available. But because problems are deep, apparent, and threatening to local authorities, local political movements have grown more successful; both community organizations and city halls have turned seriously to the task of dealing with poverty. As they well know, on their own they cannot succeed; but through cooperation, through state and national coalitions, and by means of other influences on national politics, these progressive local political movements can move toward success. New policies should be directed toward strengthening such possibilities. In Chapter One, after a cursory review of theories of poverty, we lay out our major thesis and preview the various arguments and findings of the book. In Chapter Two we document the appalling conditions of poor and minority people in central cities, explaining why persistent, concentrated, urban poverty ought to be seen in relation to the separations that result from inequalities in the entire distribution of income and wealth. In Chapter Three we analyze the connections between the structure and movement of the new global economy and the dilemmas of the poorest Americans. There we examine widely dispersed, globalized markets and production arrangements that are managed by the tightly centralized control systems of major corporations. In Chapter Four we extend the arguments and see how changing industrial patterns have worsened the structure of opportunities facing most American cities and workers. Simultaneous dispersal of jobs and centralization of management have removed good jobs from cities and left behind minorities and women, and their children. With limited social contact outside their embattled neighborhoods and with weakened social contracts tying them to the larger community, these people have settled into a persistent poverty that leaves few routes for escape. In Chapter Five we first see how economic changes have led to a new, conservative politics. We then examine policies of the federal government, local government, and community-based organizations, finding what is innovative about them and what constrains them. There we argue that only through local reconstruction and a new organization of politics, involving grass-roots and neighborhood groups in new ways, will pressure build up for the required transformation in national politics that will rechannel funds toward domestic needs. In the end, democratic participation and politics will have to take control of the economy, or else poverty will indeed persist. The sources for new change are to be found in coalitions formed from below. Finally, in Chapter Six we propose specific ways that new energy and attention can be refocused in improved policies at all levels of government. There is a tension throughout this study. We are faced with a conflict between two findings. On the one hand, powerful global economic forces play a major role in determining the life chances of American citizens. On the other hand, the situation of the poor can be radically improved through a staged process of local empowerment, the formation of new political coalitions, and the consequent reformulation of a national agenda. The reader may find, concerning the first view, that the arguments in Chapters Three and Four appear to be top-down and accepting of the force of structural arrangements like competitive markets, and too despairing of the potential good influence of human agency, through social movements, political action, and the like. The arguments in these chapters display our deep concern that global economic forces be better understood by the nation's policymakers, so that global contributions to severe poverty in American cities can be traced through to corporate behavior in a newly expanded, more competitive, and highly integrated world market. At the other extreme, the reader may find that the tasks we set in Chapters Five and Six for changed local governments and coalitions of local forces are too demanding; chances for challenging and improving federal policy may seem remote. We acknowledge this risk of asking the reader to examine both sides of the question, but do so because the problems of urban poverty in the United States today are immense, and their resolution will require complex solutions and far-reaching changes. This study began in 1989 for a report to the Rockefeller Foundation on the current state of research on persistent and severe urban poverty. The idea grew our of the authors' discussion with James Gibson and Erol Ricketts, who were concerned with the relationships among economic structure, local institutions, and persistent poverty. The Foundation's Equal Opportunity Division provided generous financial support. Our survey of research and analysis was done together with a team of graduate students at Cornell University and the University of California at Berkeley; Lisa Bornstein, David Campt, and Elizabeth Mueller researched and drafted chapters; Robert Letcher, Sharon Lord, Susan Sullivan, and George Washington assisted. The work was done mainly under the auspices of the University of California's Institute of Urban and Regional Development. We thank Marie Floyd, David Van Arnam, and Demetra Dentes (at Cornell) for editing and typing; and Cathy Girardeau and Arleda Martinez, who efficiently helped with typing.

Crowded and isolated Black and Latino neighborhoods are marked by economic deprivation and social depression. Many residents of these neighborhoods are disconnected from the larger society, no longer able to share in the values or social norms of majority America. The study of this concentrated poverty has become a new mini-industry. There has been a spate of books, reports, and articls on the phenomenon, which is variously known as "persistent poverty,", the underclass," or the "new poor." The authors of this book reject the label "underclass" because it is demeaning and "new poor" because it is inaccurate. We find it more profitable to focus on the problem of separation. Poverty has always afflicted America, and even long-term poverty has been an issue during other periods of the nation's development. Today, American society faces a period of growing social and economic separation, caused by worsened opportunities for the poor and resulting in more destructive long-term consequences for them and the society as a whole. We begin with the idea that global economic restructuring has since about 1975 altered the way political and social institutions work at every level in America. Until politics and economics are again reshaped, the problems of urban poverty will remain severe. Reshaping may begin as the pressures from urban separation force community-level institutions should be strengthened, restructured, and redirected. Multi-local coalitions should be formed to press for re-allocation of federal resources in favor of domestic needs and for re-regulation of the national economy in favor of workers and common citizens. Only then can a successful attack begin on the problems of persistent poverty. To set the stage for directing the reader's attention to the conditions under which neighborhood organizations and municipal governments can mount a successful attack that will modify the structure and management of the national political economy, we have collected props from a wide-ranging survey. We begin by looking at such broad concerns as the behavior of the global economy, and we conclude with a focus on such narrow questions as the viability of particular municipal programs to alleviate poverty. In the middle sections, our survey shows in detail how persistent poverty in American cities is connected to various influential structures and processes: the global economy, the U.S. industrial structure, federal social policy metropolitan labor markets, and finally, local politics and policy. We imagine a network of connections. At each of five nodes some of these processes are going through changes, being "restructured" or reorganized. Until quite recently it was assumed that basic needs -- such as housing, education, health care, neighborhood safety, and jobs -- could be made available to nearly all Americans. Programs to provide these necessities had been expanding for over 50 years, the guarantee becoming over time more accepted as a social responsibility; but suddenly this basic commitment to a social contract has been changed. American society now promises little and delivers less to people or communities who cannot provide for themselves. In the process of transformation, the world's richest nation is creating a third-world sub-society within its own borders. Policymakers have adopted three ways of thinking about these emerging problems. Some hold to the notion that poverty is increasing because a lax welfare state has generated a large group of "non-participants," "marginal people," bums. Probably a larger group of policymakers think the rising problems of the poor are caused simply by cutbacks in resources devoted to social equity. A third group sees poverty as an almost inevitable consequence of the vagaries of the market, made worse in recent years by globalization of the economy and lack of a national economic plan. Our argument is that the recent upsurge in persistent urban poverty has been generated by a particular set of American political responses to transformations in structure of the global and domestic economies, exacerbated considerably by a long process of highly subsidized suburbanization and by racism. The purpose of this book is to support this argument by reviewing and interpreting research on the global economy, industrial change, and public policy. In doing this we are able to estimate their combined effects on cities, neighborhoods, and residents. Since the late 1970s the global economy has become increasingly integrated, and American corporations have moved world-wide in search of cheaper ways to produce to meet stiff competition. As a result, American workers have felt a steady erosion of their power and a persistent reduction in their standard of living. There is a trickle-down effect in reverse, a backwash that swamps American labor. Unskilled workers have been marginalized by widespread plant shut-downs and blue-collar lay-offs, and they have found a paucity of good career ladders, stuck instead in low-wage, dead-end, service jobs. At the same time, many poorly prepared immigrants have arrived; many women have come to head families, finding themselves unable to support households on their own;) and discrimination against minorities has continued. While some Americans have benefited financially from the post 1970 changes, the poorest have been pushed down or cut adrift. The federal government, preoccupied with global-economy issues, and careful to be responsive to the growing demands of its new, upper-middle-class, suburban constituencies, has sacrificed the urban poor. State and local governments have also retrenched, adding to the crisis, by responding to demands for austerity from business, tax-paying voters and public officials alike. When the squeeze came from the global economy, public institutions were unprepared to relieve the inevitable difficulties the poor would encounter. Corporate redeployment and government economizing insured that city labor markets would turn sour, especially for basic jobs. Federal funds for cities and poor people were cut and guarantees for benefits and services were reduced. The tax revolt was managed by new politics that coalesced after 35 years of white, middle-class suburbanization; the budget reductions hit hardest of all on public jobs and services in central cities. In the scramble to survive from shutdowns, contractions, layoffs, and budget cuts, everyone with any power tried to get out and get ahead, and those with less power got left farther and farther behind, increasingly separated from the main society. The majority of Black Americans and Latinos already were subjected to relatively low wages, bad housing, and poor schools. Most women supporting children by themselves already had great difficulties. New immigrants from Latin America and South East Asia were already near the bottom. In earlier years, economic growth and the development of a more liberal society had allowed some in such situations to escape the poverty of the ghetto and the bad barrios, and because many believed in this promise, some communities had an aura of hopefulness. But with the job losses and the program cuts replacing around economic growth, and the new self-interest replacing community and collective interests, the situation worsened for those left behind; their expectations plummeted, and their communities became isolated. We find that cities and even neighborhoods have had to turn more and more to their own energies and resources. It is true that they are strapped tightly to small budgets, have made little dent so far on the most serious problems, and will ultimately have to depend on private-sector job growth and re-established, well-funded, federal transfer programs. But local governments and community-based organizations are close to problems, and they have both the opportunity to become involved and the need to revitalize these poor communities. Their role in solving community problems has escalated over the last two decades, along with rising expectations for them to intervene. City halls and community organizations are therefore forced to innovate, press demands, and represent neighborhoods. From this pessimistic dilemma arises the main line of our optimism, our principle recommendation for policy. At the national level, action to reduce poverty is at a standstill, or worse. At the local level, resources are not available. But because problems are deep, apparent, and threatening to local authorities, local political movements have grown more successful; both community organizations and city halls have turned seriously to the task of dealing with poverty. As they well know, on their own they cannot succeed; but through cooperation, through state and national coalitions, and by means of other influences on national politics, these progressive local political movements can move toward success. New policies should be directed toward strengthening such possibilities. In Chapter One, after a cursory review of theories of poverty, we lay out our major thesis and preview the various arguments and findings of the book. In Chapter Two we document the appalling conditions of poor and minority people in central cities, explaining why persistent, concentrated, urban poverty ought to be seen in relation to the separations that result from inequalities in the entire distribution of income and wealth. In Chapter Three we analyze the connections between the structure and movement of the new global economy and the dilemma of the poorest Americans. There we examine widely dispersed, globalized markets and production arrangements that are managed by the tightly centralized control systems of major corporations. In Chapter Four we extend the arguments and see how changing industrial patterns have worsened the structure of opportunities facing most American cities and workers. Simultaneous dispersal of jobs and centralization of management have removed good jobs from cities and left behind minorities and women, and their children. With limited social contact outside their embattled neighborhoods and with weakened social contracts tying them to the larger community, these people have settled into a persistent poverty that leaves few routes for escape. In Chapter Five we first see how economic changes have led to a new, conservative politics. We then examine policies of the federal government, local government, and community-based organizations, finding what is innovative about them and what constrains them. There we argue that only through local reconstruction and a new organization of politics, involving grass-roots and neighborhood groups in new ways, will pressure build up for the required transformation in national politics that will rechannel funds toward domestic needs. In the end, democratic participation and politics will have to take control of the economy, or else poverty will indeed persist. The sources for new change are to be found in coalitions formed from below. Finally, in Chapter Six we propose specific ways that new energy and attention can be refocused in improved policies at all levels of government. There is a tension throughout this study. We are faced with a conflict between two findings. On the one hand, powerful global economic forces play a major role in determining the life chances of American citizens. On the other hand, the situation of the poor can be radically improved through a staged process of local empowerment, the formation of new political coalitions, and the consequent reformation of a national agenda. The reader may find, concerning the first view, that the arguments in Chapters Three and Four appear to be top-down and accepting of the force of structural arrangements like competitive markets, and too despairing of the potential good influence of human agency, through social movements, political action, and the like. The arguments in these chapters display our deep concern that global economic forces be better understood by the nation's policymakers, so that global contributions to severe poverty in American cities can be traced through to corporate behavior in a newly expanded, more competitive, and highly integrated world market. At the other extreme, the reader may find that the tasks we set in Chapters Five and Six for changed local governments and coalitions of local forces are too demanding; chances for challenging and improving federal policy may seem remote. We acknowledge this risk of asking the reader to examine both sides of the question, but do so because the problems of urban poverty in the United States today are immense, and their resolution will require complex solutions and far-reaching changes. This study began in 1989 for a report to the Rockefeller Foundation on the current state of research on persistent and severe urban poverty. The idea grew out of the authors' discussion with James Gibson and Erol Ricketta, who were concerned with the relationships among economic structure, local institutions, and persistent poverty. The Foundation's Equal Opportunity Division provided generous financial support. Our survey of research and analysis was done together with a team of graduate students at Cornell University and the University of California at Berkeley; Lisa Bornstein, David Campt, and Elizabeth Mueller researched and drafted chapters; Robert Letcher, Sharon Lord, Susan Sullivan, and George Washington assisted. The work was done mainly under the auspices of the University of California's Institute of Urban and Regional Development. We thank Marie Floyd, David Van Arnam, and Demetra Dentes (et Cornell) for editing and typing; and Cathy Girardeau and Arieda Martinez, who efficiently helped with typing.

p. 811-831: "An act for repairing the road from the Town of Buckingham in the County of Bucks, to Warmington in the County of Warwick." ; p. 783-807: "An act for amending and making more effectual an act made in the last session of Parliament, for continuing an act made in the thirteenth year of the reign of His late Majesty King George the First, for repairing the roads from Luton in the County of Bedford, to Westwood Gate in the said county; and from Luton to Saint Alban's in the County of Hertford." ; p. 763-780: "An act for making more effectual several acts passed for repairing the road leading from the Stones End in the parish of Saint Leonard Shoreditch in the County of Middlesex, to the furthermost part of the northern road in the parish of Enfield in the same county, next to the parish of Cheshunt in the County of Hertford; and for amending the road from the Watch-house in Edmonton, to the market place in Enfield." ; p. 747-758: "An act to continue the several laws therein mentioned for preventing theft and rapine on the northern borders of England; for the more effectual punishing wicked and evil disposed persons going armed in disguise, and doing injuries and violences to the persons and properties of His Majesty's subjects, and for the more speedy bringing the offenders to justice for continuing two clauses to prevent the cutting or breaking down the bank of any river, or sea bank, and to prevent the malicious cutting of hop-binds; and for the more effectual punishment of persons maliciously setting on fire any mine, pit, or delph of coal, or cannel coal; and of persons unlawfully hunting or taking any red or fallow deer in forests or chaces, or beating or wounding the keepers or other officers in forests, chaces, or parks; and for granting a liberty to carry sugars of the growth, produce, or manufacture of any of His Majesty's sugar colonies in America, from the said colonies directly to foreign parts in ships built in Great Britain, and navigated according to law; and to explain two acts relating to the prosecution of offenders for embeziling naval stores, or stores of war; and to prevent the retailing of wine within either of the universities in that part of Great Britain called England without licence." ; p. 739-742: "An act to make it high treason to hold correspondence with the sons of the Pretender to His Majesty's crown; and for attainting them of high treason, in case they shall land or attempt to land in Great Britain, or any of the dominions thereunto belonging; and for suspending the operation and effect of a clause in the act of the seventh year of the late Queen Anne, for improving the union of the two kingdoms, relating to forfeitures for high treason, until after the decease of the sons of the said Pretender." ; p. 729-735: "An act for remedying some defects in the act made in the forty third year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, intituled, An act for the relief of the poor." ; p. 723-725: "An act to prevent disputes touching the parishes or places where improved wastes, and drained and improved marsh lands, shall be charged to parochial rates." ; p. 717-720: "An act for permitting certain goods therein enumerated, to be imported during the war in British built shipping, the property of foreigners; and for relief of William Ord, and others, and for obviating a doubt which hath arisen upon the act of the twelfth year of the reign of King Charles the Second, intituled, An act for the encouraging and increasing of shipping and navigation, as to the importation on the account of aliens, of goods of the growth or production of the plantations of Spain and Portugal, in English ships duly navigated." ; p. 711-713: "An act to explain, amend, and enlarge an act made in the sixteenth and seventeenth year of the reign of King Charles the Second, intituled, An act for regulating the measures and prices of coals." ; p. 691-706: "An act for the better encouragement of seamen in His Majesty's service, and privateers, to annoy the enemy." ; p. 671-687: "An act for granting to His Majesty the sum of one million out of the sinking fund, and for applying a sum remaining in the exchequer, arisen by the coinage duty for the service of the year One thousand seven hundred and forty four; and for the further appropriating the supplies granted in this session of Parliament; and for making forth duplicates of exchequer bills, lottery tickets, certificates, annuity orders, and other orders, lost, burnt, or otherwise destroyed; and for giving further time for the payment of duties omitted to be paid for the indentures or contracts of clerks and apprentices; and to enable the reversioners of certain annuities, therein mentioned, to receive such annuities, if the same shall not be demanded within a certain time by the annuitants for life, until proof be made, that such annuitants are living." ; p. 655-666: "An act to explain and make more effectual several acts of Parliament passed in the reign of His present Majesty, for building a bridge cross the River Thames, from the City of Westminster to the opposite shore in the County of Surrey; and for the better enabling the commissioners for building the said bridge, to finish the same, and to perform the other trusts reposed in them; as also for granting further time for exchanging the tickets unclaimed in the last lottery for the said bridge; and to make provision for tickets in the said lottery, lost, burnt, or otherwise destroyed." ; p. 645-650: "An act for repealing the duties payable upon glass beads, and for granting other duties in lieu thereof; and for allowing the same drawbacks on the exportation of refined borax and camphire, which are allowed on the exportation of unrefined borax and camphire; and for preventing the fraudulent exportation of British and Irish linnens, for the sake of the bounty allowed by an act made in the fifteenth and sixteenth years of His present Majesty's reign; and for explaining and amending the said act, as to the persons who are to receive the said bounty." ; p. 639-641: "An act for the more effectual preventing of the affixing of counterfeit stamps to foreign or other linnens." ; p. 615-635: "An act for making more effectual provision for enlightening the streets of the City of London." ; p. 571-610: "An act for explaining and amending an act passed in the sixth year of His present Majesty's reign, intituled, An act to recover and preserve the navigation of the River Dee in the County Palatine of Chester; and another act passed in the fourteenth year of His present Majesty's reign, intituled, An act for incorporating the Undertakers of the navigation of the River Dee; and for repealing the tonnage rates payable to the said Undertakers: and for granting to them other tonnage or keelage rates in lieu thereof; and for other purposes therein mentioned." ; p. 559-567: "An act for continuing an act passed in the thirteenth year of the reign of His late Majesty King George the First, so far as the same relates to the repairing the road from Studley Bridge to Chippenham in the County of Wilts, and for amending the road from Chippenham to Pickwick in the said county." ; p. 555-556: "An act to rectify a mistake in an act made this session of Parliament, intituled, An act for the speedy and effectual recruiting of His Majesty's land forces and marines, for the year One thousand seven hundred and forty four." ; p. 523-550: "An act for repairing the road between the Town of Kingston upon Hull, and the Town of Beverley in the East Riding of the County of York." ; p. 507-518: "An act for more effectually repairing the roads from Coleshill in the County of Warwick, through the city of Litchfield, to Stone in the County of Stafford, and from thence to the City of Chester, and for amending other roads therein mentioned." ; p. 479-502: "An act for more effectually repairing the road from Cherill (through Calne) to Studley Bridge, and from Cherill to the Three Mile Borough, at the top of Cherill Hill in the County of Wilts." ; p. 451-475: "An act for repairing the road leading from the end of Midleton Tyaslane over Gatherly Moor to Greetabridge, and from thence to Bowes in the North Riding of the County of York." ; p. 439-447: "An act for laying a duty of two pennies Scots, or a sixth part of a penny sterling, upon every Scots pint of ale and beer which shall be brewed for sale, brought into, tapped, or sold within the Town of Burrowstounness and liberties thereof, in the County of Linlithgow, for repairing the harbour of the said town." ; p. 427-435: "An act for continuing and making more effective an act made in the eleventh year of His present Majesty's reign, for repairing several roads leading to and from the Town of Derby in the County of Derby." ; p. 411-424: "An act for continuing and enlarging the term and powers granted by an act of Parliament, passed in the thirteenth year of the reign of His late Majesty King George the First, for repairing the road from Cranford Bridge in the County of Middlesex, to that end of Maidenhead Bridge which lies in the County of Bucks." ; p. 379-406: "An act for raising by annuities, and a lottery, in manner therein mentioned, the sum of one million eight hundred thousand pounds, at three pounds per centum per annum, for the service of the year One thousand seven hundred and forty four." ; p. 355-374: "An act for granting to His Majesty the surplus or remainder of the monies arisen, or to arise by the duties on spirituous liquors, granted by an act of the last session of Parliament; and for explaining and amending the said act in relation to the retailers of such liquors; and for establishing an agreement with the United Company of Merchants of England, trading to the East Indies." ; p. 315-350: "An act for punishing mutiny and desertion; and for the better payment of the army and their quarters." ; p. 295-311: "An act for the speedy and effectual recruiting of His Majesty's land forces and marines for the year One thousand seven hundred and forty four." ; p. 283-290: "An act for continuing and enlarging the term and powers granted by an act passed in the third year of the reign of His present Majesty, For repairing the road leading from Galley-corner, adjoining to Enfield Chase in the parish of South Mims in the County of Middlesex, to Lemsford Mill in the County of Hertford." ; p. 263-280: "An act for continuing the term and powers granted by an act passed in the first year of His present Majesty's reign intituled, An act for repairing and amending several roads leading to and from the borough of Evesham in the county of Worcester; and for making the same more effectual." ; p. 251-258: "An act for enlarging the term and powers granted by an act passed in the third year of the reign of His present Majesty, intituled, An act for repairing the roads leading from a gate called Shipton toll-gate, at Bridgetown, in the parish of Old Stratford in the County of Warwick, through Alderminster and Shipton upon Stower, to the top of Long Compton Hill in the said county; and to make the same more effectual." ; p. 223-247: "An act for raising and establishing a fund for a provision for the widows and children of the ministers of the Church of Scotland, and of the heads, principals, and masters, of the Universities of Saint Andrew's, Glasgow, and Edinburgh." ; p. 211-218: "An act for enlarging the term and powers granted by an act passed in the fourth year of the reign of His present Majesty, for repairing the road leading from Chappel on the Heath in the County of Oxon, to the quarry above Bourton on the Hill in the County of Gloucester." ; p. 183-207: "An act for repairing and widening the road leading from a place called Harlow Bush Common, in the parish of Harlow in the County of Essex, to Stump Cross, in the parish of Great Chesterford in the said county." ; p. 175-179: "An act to prevent the committing of abuses in the weighing and packing of butter, in the Town and Borough of New Malton in the County of York." ; p. 171-172: "An act for taking and swearing affidavits to be made use of in any of the courts of the County Palatine of Lancaster." ; p. 167-168: "An act to impower His Majesty to secure and detain such persons as His Majesty shall suspect are conspiring against His Person and government." ; p. 139-162: "An act to amend and make more effectual the laws relating to rogues, vagabonds and other idle and disorderly persons, and to houses of correction." ; p. 127-134: "An act for enlarging the term and powers granted by an act passed in the third year of the reign of His present Majesty, for repairing and widening the road from that part of Chatham which lies next to the City of Rochester, to Saint Dunstan's Cross near the City of Canterbury in the County of Kent." ; p. 123-124: "An act to oblige overseers of the poor to give publick notice of rates made for the relief of the poor, and to produce the same." ; p. 99-119: "An act for continuing the duties upon malt, mum, cyder, and perry, in that part of Great Britain called England; and for granting to His Majesty certain duties upon malt, mum, cyder, and perry, in that part of Great Britain called Scotland, for the service of the year One thousand seven hundred and forty four." ; p. 3-95: "An act for granting an aid to His Majesty by a land tax to be raised in Great Britain, for the service of the year One thousand seven hundred and forty four." ; The paging and caption title of each act follow ; Contains 43 acts, each with a duplicate of the t.-p. quoted. No. 16-43, printed 1744 ; Contemporary suède calf binding ; Initials ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Bookplate: Mr. Baron Mure

The regulatory capacity review of the East African Community (EAC) focuses on the capacities of the EAC institutional framework to develop, implement, and sustain the efficient, transparent, and market-based regulatory system that is needed to achieve the economic benefits of the EAC common market. This report argues that the EAC institutions will be successful in implementing the common market only if they safeguard the quality of regulatory practices. This is a highly pragmatic and operational agenda. Quality principles can be applied only if they are defined and institutionalized into the machinery of policy making. The idea is that, just as fiscal management can increase social welfare by better allocating resources, so can regulatory governance.

This report aims to assess the steps taken during Rwanda's transition following the genocide against the objective of the long-term durability of domestic peace. Its principal conclusion is that peace is most likely to endure if Rwanda's political space is gradually opened up to allow: (i) Rwanda's formal state institutions to establish greater autonomy from the current regime; and (ii) Rwandan political and civil society, its political opposition and media in particular, to evolve as mature and independent counterweights to the ruling party. Incremental political liberalization will encourage an important shift in Rwanda's political culture to one which encouraged accountability for the subordination of institutional rules to personal, party, or ethnic interests. It falls on the regime to show the way forward to Rwanda's civil and political society by demonstrating its tolerance for genuine political pluralism, dissent, and inclusion. It is in the regime's long-term strategic self-interest to encourage such a change in political culture and increase its legitimacy in order to discourage attempts to bring about regime change extra-constitutionally.

As much as COVID-19 is a health and economic crisis, at its core, it is also a governance crisis.

NDI President Derek Mitchell and new Director of Democratic Governance Kristen Sample delve into ways governments and the international community have risen (or not) to meet the challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Find us on: SoundCloud | Apple Podcasts | Spotify | RSS | Google Play

Derek Mitchell: As we all continue to shelter in place and respond to the colossal health and economic crisis that is COVID-19, we must not forget that at its core, pandemics are as much a result of governance failure as any failure of healthcare or health system.
Since working to support democratic processes, institutions and governance around the world is what NDI does for a living, we thought it useful to delve into the role governance has played in the COVID-19 pandemic with NDI's experience in more than 50 countries around the world serving as a guide. Welcome to DemWorks. My name is Derek Mitchell, president of the National Democratic Institute.
To discuss all this with me in this podcast, I'm joined by NDI's new director of democratic governance, Kristen Sample.
Kristen Sample: Thank you so much Derek.
DM: Kristen just joined us on March 1. She brings more than 20 years of democratic governance experience with her to NBI having advised and evaluated programs at UN Women, UN Democracy Fund, the Open Society Foundation, Global Partners, Governance and International IDEA. Kristen is an expert on countering corruption, legislative strengthening in the nexus of gender and politics and she has led projects focused on the impact of democratic reform on economic development and citizen security. At a moment when the global crisis in governance is at the center of international conversation, at least before the pandemic push pause, we are thrilled to have Kristen aboard to look at that issue with fresh creativity here at NBI. So welcome Kristen to your very first DemWorks podcast.
KS: I'm really pleased to have the opportunity to speak with you today on such important issues.
DM: So we'll speak about the crisis of governance but also the pandemic factor as well. But I do want to start with this global governance crisis that has sort of preceded this. This is a broader overhang. We've seen all over the world popular demonstrations over the past year and more and everywhere from Moscow to Managua, to Hong Kong, to Khartoum, to Algeria, to Istanbul, to Paris. You can go on and on. And what it represents is a frustration with the quality of governance. Democracy somehow is not delivering for people. And I want to hear your thoughts on that. It's a moment of turmoil certainly. People will look at this and say, "Well, democracy is failing," but it's more than democracy that this is happening. It's a general quality of governance question that I think actually provides an opportunity. So let me just ask your thoughts on that first off, Kristen.
KS: Yeah. Thanks so much for that question, Derek. I think that NDI, since we have officers or programs spanning every region of the world basically in more than 50 countries, we're in a very good position to be able to take the pulse of what's happening in the different countries. In fact, we have been conducting surveys every two weeks of our country programs to get a sense of what's happening on the ground and we've received some very interesting signals that I'm really happy to be able to share with you today.
On the one side, we are saying that in many countries governments are responding very seriously, in very concerted ways to the health crisis. I mean in more than two thirds of the countries. The governments in the countries where we work are closing nonessential businesses in over 60%, they are communicating in ways, having very intensive communication campaigns that really are reaching all citizens. But when it comes to the democracy side, when it comes to implementing that response and pursuing a response that's consistent with democratic principles and norms and values and institutions, we are seeing some troubling developments at the same time.
For instance, the number of governments by our account, over 40% of the governments in the countries where we work are declaring emergency powers and it's clear that this is an extraordinary situation that requires extraordinary measures, but in many cases these emergency powers are inconsistent with democratic principles. They are not linked to the crisis. There is no provision for legislative oversight or in many cases, these have no sunset class, so there's no time limit and these are simply open-ended.
And link to that and linked in many cases to these emergency powers, emergency decrees, we're seeing an uptick also in threats to fundamental freedoms. For instance, nearly half of our countries are reporting that there are measures in place where governments are repressing non-state media who are critical of the government's response to the pandemic and that in some cases, again, almost 50% of our countries, there are measures in place where governments are limiting space for civil society to engage in political actions.
Another factor that I'd like to highlight too is while we're all distracted by the pandemic and while people are at home and perhaps with less access to information and less direct contact with government, there are also signals that many governments are using this as an opportunity to diminish anti-corruption controls. So that means that in some cases economic response packages or healthcare delivery is taking place with less transparency and less openness, which as you can imagine is a risk in terms of making sure that those resources are actually getting where they need to be.
And all of this, all of the stresses, the frustration and these concerns of course also have impacts when it comes to citizen trust, interpersonal trust citizen trust of the government and also we're seeing greater potential for civic unrest and a deteriorating security environment.
So all together, I hate to start with such a pessimistic view, but I think it is important again, through the networks that we have, the relationships that we have with political and civic actors on the ground, to convey the seriousness of the situation and to make sure that we're always communicating that well, this response requires really drastic measures. These measures need to be consonant of course, with the principles of democratic governance.
DM: Right. It fits into this broader competition of narratives that occurred even before the pandemic began, where China or Russia saying, "Look, authoritarian governments are more efficient in providing services. We do this stuff better. Democracy is messy." And they're able, as you say, to take advantage of this moment when people are looking for strong central control to make that case and to both do that rhetorically but also through provision of services.
And then it's not just those major countries. You'll have folks whether it's Hungary or Poland or you just go around the world, they're postponing elections. They are shutting down civil society, they're settling scores with adversaries. They're constraining public debate, saying that those things are luxuries during a time of crisis and that gives them an opportunity then as you said, for not just power grabs, but resource grabs and money grabs and they say, "Look, these are extraordinary times. They require extraordinary measures." And the concern is that these extraordinary measures will be permanent, that they'll say you need us to be surveilling people.
So this is a challenge for certainly those who do democracy work and for folks inside these countries. But I think the broader question of security, we'll talk about that maybe a little bit later, but it's interesting what we're seeing on the ground as you say.
You do a lot of work in the legislative sphere, you have a lot of background on that. How legislatures are particularly important. Civil society is too, but just focusing on legislature's role as a check and balance against executive overreach, can you talk about from the NDI experience or your other observation, how legislatures are being challenged, how they're dealing with this moment, how they're adapting to deal with the COVID-19 moment.
KS: Yeah, absolutely. So I'm so glad you brought this point up. The first challenge that I'd highlight is this risk that the legislative branch is getting sidelined. In a crisis like this, the executive branch is generally front and center. Their role is clearly understood by citizens. Head of state might be the one out there doing daily press briefings or a health minister communicating medical reports. And there's this sense of emergency that as I sort of alluding to before, it seems to empower the executive branch. And unfortunately that seems to be, in many cases, at the expense of the legislative power.
And additionally, another challenge and another reason that legislatures are perhaps getting crowded out or sidelined is simply that, the coronavirus, by it's dynamic, it's not socially compatible. And since parliaments are these multi-member bodies that have more diffuse operations, more diffuse leadership and that involve hundreds of different people, it's simply just a challenge to assemble a large group of people together, bring them together and keep them front and center in this crisis.
So if that first challenge is making sure that people just keep in mind that legislatures matter and the legislatures are able to exert their rights and their authority, I'd say that the second challenge of course is just how do parliaments, legislatures operate in a virtual world. Politicians are by nature, they like to shake hands, they like to get out on the street, they need to be in touch with their constituents. And there are so many challenge involved in this current world that we have where we should all be social distancing.
So looking across the world where we work, their parliaments are adopting different measures. Some of them are using social distancing restrictions like reducing the number of MPs in sessions. Others are moving to remote voting, remote deliberations. And then others are not meeting at all, which of course is quite terrible. And in those cases where legislatures have been dissolved or have been suspended for long periods of time.
We are working too, as you were saying, as NDI closely with parliaments in a number of countries to try to do those adaptations to the rules of procedures so that they're able to continue meeting in session and continue deliberating and continuing exercising oversight. For instance, we have connected parliamentarians in Colombia with parliamentarians in Ecuador. We have virtual sessions to learn from Ecuador's experience in adopting a regulation for the implementation of virtual session and teleworking.
So we are trying to connect parliamentarians across countries to understand how some parliaments have been moving forward in terms of remote procedures and how that's going for them. And two more challenges. One I'd highlight is that oversight role that we've been talking about. And from the same survey that we conducted with our country programs, we found that in 59% of the countries, checks and balances have been weakened, have deteriorated under the pandemic.
And this is happening at such an unfortunate time when there's so many policy measures that need to be approved and put in place. If we just take the issue of debt policy for instance, I saw a statistic from the Westminster Foundation that more than 80 countries have already requested emergency aid from the IMF. I mean these countries are struggling of course to meet different types of fiscal obligations and they are desperate for cash in order to ramp up health services and put in place economic measures.
And so these governments are taking on debt obligations, debt burns that are going to have far reaching impacts and long lasting impacts that should really be approved by the legislative branch and include monitoring and reporting. And that's not always the case in most of these instances.
DM: So you just say it's a very dangerous time and folks are adapting procedurally, but there are really implications to this longterm, including for security. And I think we'll get to that after the break.
For more than 35 years, NDI has been honored to work with courageous and committed pro-democracy activists and leaders around the world to help countries develop the institutions, practices and skills necessary for democracy's success.
KS: Welcome back. Derek, I've heard you speak to the issue of authoritarian systems and how they're operating in this crisis and that the authoritarian nature in itself makes health crises more likely. And you've also said in some of your speeches and some of the conversations we've had that it's not a coincidence that the pandemic started in China and I'd really like to hear from your expertise, your deep background on China specifically. Can you explain to listeners why that is? Why there is that connection?
DM: Well, as I said at the top, this is not just a health crisis, it's a governance crisis. It's a factor of governance both in the prevention of the pandemic and the response to it. We talked so far mostly about the response, how we're responding to the pandemic, but the core of the pandemic is a failure of governance. The difference between a local health crisis that is contained and a pandemic lies in the ability of a political system to respond to that early challenge quickly and effectively. And that requires both government and civic action. And if you're going to deal with this crisis early, it requires both. To do that, you have to act swiftly. You have to have widespread testing and contact tracing. You need critical support from citizens. In order to do all that and to ensure that that happens, you have to have basic civic trust.
Closed societies routinely fail that test of having that civic trust and that rapid action for some very practical reasons. When a government suppresses a free flow of information, when it fails to empower independent civic institutions, when it's too insecure to convey bad news candidly, doesn't feel that it has a political legitimacy, therefore, it's insecure to convey bad news. When its data can't be trusted because it's opaque, when its officials are afraid to speak truth to power or communicate inconvenient truths to their superiors or act decisively, absent waiting for some strict orders from the very center and they can't move quickly, the result can be deadly.
It turns what is a local health issue into a pandemic so it crosses borders. It becomes not just a problem for one country but for all others. So democratic governance is very, very practical and once again in this regard, transparent, accountable, inclusive, responsive, open governments is essential to crisis response but it's also essential to prevent the crisis from emerging to begin with.
And it is a matter of national security. This highlights frankly what many of us have known all along, that this is not just nice but has very practical national security effects. And as we just talked earlier, the irony is that just as the world needs more open democratic societies to prevent future crises and deal with the current one, there are opportunistic politicians who are closing political and civic space. That I think is a very practical reason why that closed societies cause these pandemics.
KS: I think that all of those points that you've been raising in terms of the threats and the vulnerabilities are so important for us to keep front and center. At the same time, here in NDI, as you know, is we're very keen to make sure that there are also opportunities to elevate the many examples around the world where governments are acting democratically and effectively in response to the crisis and they're framing and working with citizens in ways that are absolutely consistent with democratic values and principles. And so I do want to showcase some of those.
I think it's received a lot of press around the world how New Zealand, for instance has reacted, and I read this week that New Zealand is perhaps one of the very first countries to have been able to successfully eliminate COVID. They have no new COVID cases. And it's a case that really stands out for the way that the prime minister has been able to deliver information in a very clear, compassionate, inclusive way, a way that's very grounded in science of course, and transparent.
And at the same time where the legislature has had an important role developing a parliamentary select committee that's providing scrutiny of the government's response. The government has also been very affirmative there I think, in terms of issues of freedom of information and media freedom and has said that they would not slow down, for instance, their commitment to responding to requests for information during the crisis. So there's certainly the case of New Zealand, which is so interesting and it's shown such early success, but there are other places around the world too where specific measures taken by the government I think have been so positive and far reaching.
Uruguay comes to mind for instance. We see so many cases where authoritarian leaders are using this crisis to be able to settle scores as you were saying, or to act in a very partisan fashion. But in Uruguay, the president convened all of the former presidential candidates to give a joint press conference to send a powerful message of unity and to show that across the party divide, they were working together to develop responses.
Taiwan also really stands out for its cross party coordination, the transparent communications they've had, the very creative efforts that the government has put in place there, I think they've called it humor, not rumor. A campaign to share facts in real time to counter disinformation, to manage fear. So there aren't many cases out there as I was saying, of governments that are responding effectively and in ways that are building that citizen trust that you were mentioning.
DM: Yes. And then a further one, another democracy that's a leading democracy, probably the first out of the gate is South Korea. They did exactly what was necessary. People are looking at that example, a democratic example. They didn't sacrifice rights at all. They obviously had very strong controls at times of the society, but it took very swift action. They did widespread testing, contact tracing and they worked with civil society and is shown over and over that civil society is probably one of the most important factors. It's not simply a government driven thing that makes a response success. Civil society serves as a very efficient force multiplier for government. We saw that in Katrina, hurricane Katrina. We see it's proved over and over that it really is effective in getting the word out and messaging.
Ensuring is like in Taiwan through their civic tech community, they're sort of hackers. They're young citizens, who themselves in a voluntary fashion, formed a community. They were viewed as allies and partners not alienated from the government. And that partnership has been a success in Taiwan, has been a success in South Korea and is essential for a success. And that means that governments need to be open, need to be transparent, they need to see society as partners. So this is absolutely critical.
KS: Yeah. And I just want to add on the South Korea example. I'm so glad you brought that up because South Korea held elections during the pandemic on April 15, they had national assembly lessons and they were actually able to organize those elections in a way that was seen as very transparent, that was very consistent with electoral integrity and they had higher levels of turnout than in previous elections, which is pretty amazing. And there's so many countries around the world that are facing elections in 2020. I think the way that South Korea was able to do it with a very intensive communication campaign as you were speaking again to their transparency of communication, they had expanded early voting measures in place. They had home voting, they had very comprehensive safeguards for people to be able to vote in person. So even organizing an election in a time that seems so difficult and so challenging, I think that as you were saying, democracies like South Korea are showing that there is a way forward.
DM: Right. And I think we can learn some lessons from that as well. There are groups, including NDI has been at the center of this, of putting together documents that say here are the election integrity guidelines for this moment, that democracy should not be sacrificed at the alter of crisis response, that elections need to move forward if they can be done in the right way and if they need to be postponed, it's postponed within a certain timeframe and only during a period of high crisis. So there are principles here where democracy can continue to move forward. It makes the society stronger, it builds that civic trust that's important for crisis response. But we need to... You can walk and chew gum at the same time at this moment. So I'm glad we were able to talk about some of these democratic examples.
KS: Absolutely. And I will be right back after this quick message.
You can hear more from other democracy heroes by listening to our DemWorks podcast available on iTunes and SoundCloud.
DM: Welcome back with Kristen Sample. Of course you're new to NDI, but you know NDI very well and it's a fundamental principle everywhere that nations will only succeed when societies are fully inclusive, where they don't leave anybody behind. They enable all to contribute equally. That means women, that means young people, that means traditionally marginalized groups, LGBT communities, et cetera. It's just plain logic that if you leave anybody behind, that you're not going to get the most out of your citizen when you're going to hold your country back, and yet we are witnessing negative impacts toward these populations during this COVID-19 moment. Kristen, can you speak to this, explain what's going on here and why it matters?
KS: Sure, absolutely. I mean obviously this crisis isn't occurring in a vacuum. It's occurring in a context where across the world, across all countries, there are already this array of existing intersecting inequalities where some people were coming into this crisis already in a disadvantaged place. And then the pandemic itself has differentiated impacts that affect women and other marginalized groups disproportionately. I'll just give a few examples.
I mean lockdown for women who are living in relationships of power imbalance and of abuse perhaps, lockdown for them means locked in, with an abusive partner. And for instance our survey of country offices that I was referring to previously, in 66% of our countries, there seems to be an increase in sexual and gender based violence since the pandemic. In 15% of those countries, it's a significant increase. Of course these women might be locked in in vulnerable situations and then at the same time have less access to government resources, government support. So that's one example.
Others, people with disabilities for instance, who have always struggled to access health services, transportation in an equitable fashion, you can imagine that that lack of access and the differentiated impact of the pandemic on them is life threatening in some cases.
There are digital divide concerns, people in rural areas or women, other marginalized groups who may have less access to information, to resources. There are real concerns also and cases around the world where this pandemic is being exploited by anti migrant hate groups for instance, who try to link movement and migration to the origin of the virus. Or in some cases, for instance in Africa and some of the countries where we work, media outlets are perpetuating stereotypes against people with albinism for instance, and placing the blame for the virus on them.
So there are so many challenges around making sure that people have access to resources, people are safe and that we are able to convey and support a message of social cohesion and solidarity instead of the divisions that we're seeing pop up around the world. I think that in our case, for instance in Indiana, what we're trying to do is reinforce the need for inclusive decision-making, making sure for instance, that women are involved in decision making and other marginalized groups are involved in decision making and representation and in these deliberation bodies, making sure that the policymaking is taking into account these vulnerabilities and these different differentiated needs. And also the government messaging is inclusive, getting to everybody and it's supporting the social cohesion messaging and solidarity messages.
DM: And again, this is critical for the crisis response, pandemic response. I mean COVID-19 doesn't discriminate. Whoever has it, whoever is vulnerable or subject will get it and it will spread to the society writ large. So if you're not inclusive, if you're excluding folks, if politicians then see that there is an opportunity here as some politicians will to divide and conquer, to play on fear. Or spoilers from the outside may see that there are opportunities if they're divided societies, to create tensions that then require or enable them to negotiate the deal that you want to make or promote corruption within the society.
There are all kinds of ways this makes societies less stable, less secure, and affects the development and certainly the response to crises. So this is not just a nice thing, it's not just a human rights thing. This is fundamentally important to national security, international security and to everything that we're seeking to achieve through democracy.
KS: Absolutely. And I think along the things I'd really like to hear from you too, Derek, in terms of how you see along the lines of this being an international crisis that includes the whole world, that joins us all although we are in very different places. How you see role NDI's role in supporting that cross border cooperation and solidarity and having the international community come together?
DM: Given that authoritarians are claiming their model is unique for this moment, we have to be out there making our case. But in terms of our specific adaptations that we are doing, we are working in places like Ethiopia to ensure that the public opinion surveys are necessary invents of their postponed elections or continue forward, but can be done virtually. That we can adapt legislative rules of procedure in places that need it to allow for remote voting and continue the legislative process to ensure that election integrity is maintained.
As I mentioned earlier, there are certain principles and established accepted international principles for when and how to postpone elections, how to hold them during moments of crisis. And we put together crisis response kits that can be used. It's called the practical toolkit for politicians during a pandemic that can help political parties figure out how to do crisis management or help the government put together crisis communication.
So a lot of things that can be done internally and done across different countries that ensure the solidarity is still there, the momentum for democracy is still there. The expectation that democratic norms are sustained in this moment so that the headlines are not simply roll back authoritarian opportunism, that massive surveillance, all the things that people may succumb to because of fear during crisis, that there is an alternative voice and it says it doesn't have to be like that. Or if it does have to be like that now, it doesn't have to continue to be like that indefinitely and that there are some standards by which these things are being imposed.
So that international norm setting at this moment, it's probably more important than ever to do and we are trying to do at national level. We're trying to do it across different countries to ensure that there is not a vacuum to which the authoritarian voice moves and has free open season for its own values. It goes across, I think, a lot of different countries. And Kristen, I'd be interested in your thoughts from your perspective of governance, how that's working.
KS: I think that there's a real role for the international community to play. And I wanted to highlight that too in what you're saying because these challenges are so vast that clearly we have to work together on people to people exchanges and supporting lesson sharing. And so I do think that there's an absolute role for the international community playing in terms of getting out the messages of that democracy is not a luxury, it's not something that could be put into a coma or put on hold while we're all sheltering, that it's something that has to be reaffirmed on a daily basis.
And so I do think that countries also have to, in addition to standing firm, standing on their own ground on democratic principles, they also have to be willing to promote and expand those democratic principles across borders, especially to counter those liberal influences that you were referring to earlier, that in some cases are, really transmitted and increased through disinformation campaigns or phony PR campaigns that need to be called out of course by all actors.
DM: Thanks again, Kristen for joining me in conversation about how democracies can best meet the challenges of COVID and how NDI with its global partners are meeting the moment.
KS: Thank you, Derek.
DM: I'd also like to say thank you to our listeners. To learn more about NDI or to listen to other DemWorks podcasts, please visit our website at www.ndi.org. Thanks very much.


World map of Coronavirus (Covid-19)



19. Governance is Key During COVID-19? (w/ Kristen Sample) Posted 6 days ago

Democracy (General), COVID-19 Podcast NDI Listen democracy

Loet Leydesdorff on the Triple Helix: How Synergies in University-Industry-Government Relations can Shape Innovation Systems





This is the sixth and last in a series of Talks dedicated to the technopolitics of International Relations, linked to the forthcoming double volume 'The Global Politics of Science and Technology' edited by Maximilian Mayer, Mariana Carpes, and Ruth Knoblich 







The relationship between technological innovation
processes and the nation state remains a challenge for the discipline of
International Relations. Non-linear and multi-directional
characteristics of knowledge production, and the diffusive nature of knowledge
itself, limit the general ability of governments to influence and steer
innovation processes. Loet Leydesdorff advances the framework of the "Triple
Helix" that disaggregates national innovation systems into
evolving university-industry-government eco-systems. In this Talk, amongst others, he shows that these eco-systems can be
expected to generate niches with synergy at all scales, and emphasizes that, though
politics are always involved, synergies develop unintentionally.




Print version of this Talk (pdf)




What is the most relevant aspect
of the dynamics of innovation for the discipline of International Relations?



The
main challenge is to endogenize the notions of technological progress and
technological development into theorizing about political economies and nation states.
The endogenization of technological innovation and technological development
was first placed on the research agenda of economics by evolutionary economists
like Nelson and Winter in the late 1970s and early 1980s. In this context, the
question was how to endogenize the dynamics of knowledge, organized knowledge,
science and technology into economic theorizing. However, one can equally well
formulate the problem of how to reflect on the global (sub)dynamics of
organized knowledge production in political theory and International Relations.



From
a longer-term perspective, one can consider that the nation states – the
national or political economies in Europe – were shaped in the 19th
century, somewhat later for Germany (after 1871), but for most countries it was
during the first half of the 19th century. This was after the French
and American Revolutions and in relation to industrialization. These nation
states were able to develop an institutional framework for organizing the
market as a wealth-generating mechanism, while the institutional framework
permitted them to retain wealth, to regulate market forces, and also to steer
them to a certain extent. However, the market is not only a local dynamics; it
is also a global phenomenon.



Nowadays,
another global dynamics is involved: science and technology add a dynamics different
from that of the market. The market is an equilibrium-seeking mechanism at each
moment of time. The evolutionary dynamics of science and technology nowadays
adds a non-equilibrium-seeking dynamics over time on top of that, and this puts
the nation state in a very different position. Combining an equilibrium-seeking
dynamics at each moment of time with a non-equilibrium seeking one over time
results in a complex adaptive dynamics, or an eco-dynamics, or however you want
to call it – these are different words for approximately the same thing.



For
the nation state, the question arises of how it relates to the global market
dynamics on the one side, and the global dynamics of knowledge and innovation on
the other. Thus, the nation state has to combine two tasks. I illustrated this
model of three subdynamics with a figure in my 2006 book entitled The Knowledge-Based Economy: Modeled,
measured, simulated (see image). The figure shows that first-order interactions
generate a knowledge-based economy as a next-order or global regime on top of
the localized trajectories of nation states and innovative firms. These complex
dynamics have first to be specified and then to be analyzed empirically.



For
example, the knowledge-based dynamics change the relation between government
and the economy; and they consequently change the position of the state in
relation to wealth-retaining mechanisms. How can the nation state be organized
in such a way as to retain wealth from knowledge locally, while knowledge (like
capital) tends to travel beyond boundaries? One can envisage the complex system
dynamics as a kind of cloud – a cloud
that touches the ground at certain places, as Harald Bathelt, for example,
formulated.



How
can national governments shape conditions for the cloud to touch and to remain
on the ground? The Triple Helix of University-Industry-Government Relations can
be considered as an eco-system of bi- and tri-lateral relations. The three
institutions and their interrelations can be expected to form a system carrying
the three functions of (i) novelty production, (ii) wealth generation, and
(iii) normative control. One tends to think of university-industry-government
relations first as neo-corporatist arrangements between these institutional
partners. However, I am interested in the ecosystem shaped through the tri- and
bilateral relationships.



This
ecosystem can be shaped at different levels. It can be a regional ecosystem or
a national ecosystem, for instance. One can ask whether there is a surplus of synergy
between the three (sub-)dynamics of university-industry-government relations
and where that synergy can generate wealth, knowledge, and control; in which
places, and along trajectories for which periods of time – that is, the same
synergy as meant by "a cloud touching the ground".



For
example, when studying Piedmont as a region in Northern Italy, it is
questionable whether the synergy in university-industry-government relations is
optimal at this regional level or should better be examined from a larger perspective
that includes Lombardy. On the one
hand, the administrative borders of nations and regions result from the
construction of political economies in the 19th century; but on the
other hand, the niches of synergy that can be expected in a knowledge-based
economy are bordered also; for example, in terms of metropolitan regions (e.g.,
Milan–Turin–Genoa).



Since
political dynamics are always involved, this has implications for International
Relations as a field of study. But the dynamic analysis is different from
comparative statics (that is, measurement at different moments of time). The
knowledge dynamics can travel and be "footloose" to use the words of Raymond
Vernon, although it leaves footprints behind. Grasping "wealth from knowledge"
(locally or regionally) requires taking a systems perspective. However, the
system is not "given"; the system remains under reconstruction and can thus be
articulated only as a theoretically informed hypothesis.



In
the social sciences, one can use the concept of a hypothesized system
heuristically. For example, when
analyzing the knowledge-based economy in Germany, one can ask whether more synergy
can be explained when looking at the level of the whole country (e.g., in terms
of the East-West or North-South divide) or at the level of Germany's Federal
States? What is the surplus of the nation or at the European level? How can one
provide political decision-making with the required variety to operate as a
control mechanism on the complex dynamics of these eco-systems?



A
complex system can be expected to generate niches with synergy at all scales,
but as unintended consequences. To what extent and for which time span can
these effects be anticipated and then perhaps be facilitated? At this point,
Luhmann's theory comes in because he has this notion of different codifications
of communication, which then, at a next-order level, begin to self-organize
when symbolically generalized.



Codes
are constructed bottom-up, but what is constructed bottom-up may thereafter
begin to control top-down. Thus, one should articulate reflexively the
selection mechanisms that are constructed from the bottom-up variation by
specifying the why as an hypothesis.
What are the selection mechanisms? Observable relations (such as
university-industry relations) are not neutral, but mean different things for
the economy and for the state; and this meaning of the observable relations can
be evaluated in terms of the codes of communication.



Against
Niklas Luhmann's model, I would argue that codes of communication can be
translated into one another since interhuman communications are not
operationally closed, as in the biological model of autopoiesis. One also needs a social-scientific perspective on the
fluidities ("overflows") and translations among functions, as emphasized, for
example, by French scholars such as Michel Callon and Bruno Latour. In
evolutionary economics, one distinguishes between market and non-market
selection environments, but not among selection environments that are
differently codified. Here, Luhmann's theory offers us a heuristic: The complex
system of communications tends to differentiate in terms of the symbolic
generalizations of codes of communication because this differentiation is
functional in allowing the system to process more complexity and thus to be
more innovative. The more orthogonal the codes, the more options for
translations among them. The synergy indicator measures these options as
redundancy. The selection environments, however, have to be specified historically
because these redundancies—other possibilities—are not given but rather constructed
over long periods of time.





How did you arrive where
you currently work on?


I
became interested in the relations between science, technology, and society as
an undergraduate (in biochemistry) which coincided with the time of the student
movement of the late 1960s. We began to study Jürgen Habermas in the framework
of the "critical university," and I decided to continue with a second degree in
philosophy. After the discussions between Luhmann and Habermas (1971), I
recognized the advantages of Luhmann's more empirically oriented systems approach
and I pursued my Ph.D. in the sociology of organization and labour.



In
the meantime, we got the opportunity to organize an interfaculty department for
Science and Technology Dynamics at the University of Amsterdam after a
competition for a large government grant. In the context of this department, I
became interested in methodology: how can one compare across case studies and
make inferences? Actually, my 1995 book The
Challenge of Scientometrics
had a kind of Triple-Helix model on the cover: How do cognitions, texts, and
authors exhibit different dynamics that influence one another?



For
example, when an author publishes a paper in a scholarly journal, this may add
to his reputation as an author, but the knowledge claimed in the text enters a
process of validation which can be much more global and anonymous. These
processes are mediated since they are based on communication. Thus, one can add
to the context of discovery (of authors) and the context of justification (of
knowledge contents) a context of mediation (in texts). The status of a journal,
for example, matters for the communication of the knowledge content in the article.
The contexts operate as selection environments upon one another.



In
evolutionary economics, one is used to distinguishing between market and
non-market selection environments, but not among more selection environments
that are differently codified. At this point, Luhmann's theory offers a new
perspective: The complex system of communications tends to differentiate in
terms of the symbolic generalization of codes of communication because this differentiation
among the codes of communication allows the system to process more complexity
and to be more innovative in terms of possible translations. The different
selection environments for communications, however, are not given but constructed
historically over long periods of time. The modern (standardized) format of the
citation, for example, was constructed at the end of the 19th
century, but it took until the 1950s before the idea of a citation index was
formulated (by Eugene Garfield). The use of citations in evaluative
bibliometrics is even more recent.



In
evolutionary economics, one distinguishes furthermore between (technological)
trajectories and regimes. Trajectories can result from "mutual shaping" between
two selection environments, for example, markets and technologies. Nations and
firms follow trajectories in a landscape. Regimes are global and require the
specification of three (or more) selection environments. When three (or more)
dynamics interact, symmetry can be broken and one can expect feed-forward and
feedback loops. Such a system can begin to flourish auto-catalytically when the
configuration is optimal.



From
such considerations, that is, a confluence of the neo-institutional program of
Henry Etzkowitz and my neo-evolutionary view, our Triple Helix model emerged in
1994: how do institutions and functions interrelate and change one another or,
in other words, provide options for innovation? Under what conditions
can university-industry-government relations lead to wealth generation and
organized knowledge production? The starting point was a workshop about Evolutionary Economics and Chaos Theory: New
directions for technology studies held in Amsterdam in 1993. Henry
suggested thereafter that we could collaborate further on university-industry
relations. I answered that I needed at least three (sub)dynamics from the
perspective of my research program, and then we agreed about "A Triple Helix of
University-Industry-Government Relations". Years later, however, we took our
two lines of research apart again, and in 2002 I began developing a
Triple-Helix indicator of synergy in a series of studies of national systems of
innovation.





What would you give as
advice to students who would like to get into the field of innovation and
global politics?



In
general, I would advise them to be both a specialist and broader than that.
Innovation involves crossing established borders. Learn at least two languages.
If your background is political science, then take a minor in science &
technology studies or in economics. One needs both the specialist profile and
the potential to reach out to other audiences by being aware of the need to
make translations between different frameworks. Learn to be reflexive about the
status of what one can say in one or the other framework.



For
example, I learned to avoid the formulation of grandiose statements such as
"modern economies are knowledge-based economies," and to say instead: "modern
economies can increasingly be considered as knowledge-based economies." The
latter formulation provides room for asking "to what extent," and thus one can
ask for further information, indicators, and results of the measurement.



In
the sociology of science, specialisms and paradigms are sometimes considered as
belief systems. It seems to me that by considering scholarly discourses as
systems of rationalized expectations one can make the distinction between
normative and cognitive learning. Normative learning (that is, in belief
systems) is slower than cognitive learning (in terms of theorized expectations)
because the cognitive mode provides us with more room for experimentation: One
can afford to make mistakes, since one's communication and knowledge claims
remain under discussion, and not one's status as a communicator. The cognitive
mode has advantages; it can be considered as the surplus that is further
developed during higher education. Normative learning is slower; it dominates
in the political sphere.





What
does the "Triple Helix" reveal about the fragmentation of "national innovation
systems"?



In
2003, colleagues from the Department of Economics and Management Studies at the
Erasmus University in Rotterdam offered me firm data from the Netherlands containing
these three dimensions: the economic, the geographical, and the technological dimensions
in data of more than a million Dutch firms. I presented the results at the
Schumpeter Society in Turin in 2004, and asked whether someone in the audience
had similar data for other countries. I expected Swedish or Israeli colleagues
to have this type of statistics, but someone from Germany stepped in, Michael
Fritsch, and so we did the analysis for Germany. These studies were first
published in Research Policy.
Thereafter, we did studies on Hungary, Norway, Sweden, and recently also China
and Russia.



Several
conclusions arise from these studies. Using entropy statistics, the data can be
decomposed along the three different dimensions. One can decompose national
systems geographically into regions, but one can also decompose them in terms
of the technologies involved (e.g., high-tech versus medium-tech). We were
mainly relying on national data. And of course, there are limitations to the
data collections. Actually, we now have international data, but this is
commercial data and therefore more difficult to use reliably than governmental
statistics.



For
the Netherlands, we obtained the picture that would more or less be expected:
Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and Eindhoven are the most knowledge-intensive and
knowledge-based regions. This is not surprising, although there was one surprise:
We know that in terms of knowledge bases, Amsterdam is connected to Utrecht and
then the geography goes a bit to the east in the direction of Wageningen. What
we did not know was that the niche also spreads to the north in the direction
of Zwolle. The highways to Amsterdam Airport (Schiphol) are probably the most
important.



In
the case of Germany, when we first analyzed the data at the level of the
"Laender" (Federal States), we could see the East-West divide still prevailing,
but when we repeated the analysis at the lower level of the "Regierungsbezirke"
we no longer found the East-West divide as dominant (using 2004 data). So, the
environment of Dresden for example was more synergetic in Triple-Helix terms
than that of Saarbruecken. And this was nice to see considering my idea that
the knowledge-based economy increasingly prevails since the fall of the Berlin
Wall and the demise of the Soviet Union. The discussion about two different
models for organizing the political economy—communism or liberal democracy—had
become obsolete after 1990.



After
studying Germany, I worked with Balázs Lengyel on Hungarian data. Originally,
we could not find any regularity in the Hungarian data, but then the idea arose
to analyze the Hungarian data as three different innovation systems: one around
Budapest, which is a metropolitan innovation system; one in the west of the
country, which has been incorporated into Western Europe; and one in the east
of the country, which has remained the old innovation system that is state-led
and dependent on subsidies. For the western part, one could say that Hungary
has been "europeanized" by Austria and Germany; it has become part of a
European system.



When
Hungary came into the position to create a national
innovation system, free from Russia and the Comecon, it was too late, as
Europeanization had already stepped in and national boundaries were no longer
as dominant. Accordingly, and this was a very nice result, assessing this
synergy indicator on Hungary as a nation, we did not find additional synergy at
the national (that is, above-regional) level. While we clearly found synergy at
the national level for the Netherlands and also found it in Germany, but at the
level of the Federal States, we could not find synergy at a national level for
Hungary. Hungary has probably developed too late to develop a nationally
controlled system of innovations.



A
similar phenomenon appeared when we studied Norway: my Norwegian colleague
(Øivind Strand) did most of our analysis there. To our surprise, the
knowledge-based economy was not generated where the universities are located (Oslo
and Trondheim), but on the West Coast, where the off-shore, marine and maritime
industries are most dominant. FDI (foreign direct investment) in the marine and
maritime industries leads to knowledge-based synergy in the regions on the West
Shore of Norway. Norway is still a national system, but the Norwegian
universities like Trondheim or Oslo are not so much involved in entrepreneurial
networks. These are traditional universities, which tend to keep their hands
off the economy.



Actually,
when we had discussions about these two cases, Norway and Hungary, which both
show that internationalization had become a major factor, either in the form of
Europeanization in the Hungarian case, or in the form of foreign-driven
investments (off-shore industry and oil companies) in the Norwegian case, I
became uncertain and asked myself whether we did not believe too much in our
indicators? Therefore, I proposed to Øivind to study Sweden, given the availability
of well-organized data of this national system.



We
expected to find synergy concentrated in the three regional systems of
Stockholm, Gothenburg, and Malmö/Lund. Indeed, 48.5 percent of the Swedish
synergy is created in these three regions. This is more than one would expect
on the basis of the literature. Some colleagues were upset, because they had
already started trying to work on new developments of the Triple Helix, for
example, in Linköping. But the Swedish economy is organized and centralized in
this geographical dimension. Perhaps that is why one talks so much about
"regionalization" in policy documents. Sweden is very much a national
innovation system, with additional synergy between the regions.





Can governments alter
historical trajectories of national, regional or local innovation systems?



Let
me mention the empirical results for China in order to illustrate the
implications of empirical conclusions for policy options. We had no Chinese
data set, but we obtained access to the database Orbis of the Bureau van Dijk
(an international company, which is Wall Street oriented, assembling data about
companies) that contains industry indicators such as names, addresses,
NACE-codes, types of technology, the sizes of each enterprise, etc. However,
this data can be very incomplete. Using this incomplete data for China, we said
that we were just going to show how one could do the analysis  if one had full data. We guess that the
National Bureau of Statistics of China has complete data.
I did the analysis with Ping Zhou, Professor at Zhejiang University.



We
analyzed China first at the provincial level, and as expected, the East Coast
emerged as much more knowledge intense than the rest of the country. After
that, we also looked at the next-lower level of the 339 prefectures of China.
From this analysis, four of them popped up as far more synergetic than the
others. These four municipalities were: Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin, and
Chongqing.



These
four municipalities became clearly visible as an order of magnitude more
synergetic than other regions. The special characteristic about them is that –as
against the others – these four municipalities are administered by the central
government. Actually, it came out of my data and I did not understand it; but
my Chinese colleague said that this result was very nice and specified this
relationship.



The
Chinese case thus illustrates that government control can make a difference. It
shows – and that is not surprising, as China runs on a different model – that
the government is able to organize the four municipalities in such a way as to
increase synergy. Of course, I do not know what is happening on the ground. We
know that the Chinese system is more complex than these three dimensions
suggest. I guess the government agencies may wish to consider the option of
extending the success of this development model, to Guangdong for example or to
other parts of China. Isn't it worrisome that all the other and less controlled
districts have not been as successful in generating synergy?



Referring
more generally to innovation policies, I would advise as a heuristics that
political discourse is able to signal a problem, but policy questions do not
enable us to analyze the issues. Regional development, for example, is an issue
in Sweden because the system is very centralized, more than in Norway, for
example. But there is nothing in our data that supports the claim that the
Swedish government is successful in decentralizing the knowledge-based economy
beyond the three metropolitan regions. We may be able to reach conclusions like
these serving as policy advice. One develops policies on the basis of intuitive
assumptions which a researcher is sometimes able to test.



As
noted, one can expect a complex system continuously to produce unintended
consequences, and thus it needs monitoring. The dynamics of the system are
different from the sum of the sub-dynamics because of the interaction effects
and feedback loops. Metaphors such as a Triple Helix, Mode-2, or the Risk
Society can be stimulating for the discourse, but these metaphors tend to develop
their own dynamics of proliferating discourses.



The
Triple Helix, for example, can first be considered as a call for collaboration
in networks of institutions. However, in an ecosystem of bi-lateral and
tri-lateral relations, one has a trade-off between local integration
(collaboration) and global differentiation (competition). The markets and the
sciences develop at the global level, above the level of specific relations. A
principal agent such as government may be locked into a suboptimum. Institutional
reform that frees the other two dynamics (markets and sciences) requires
translation of political legitimation into other codes of communication. Translations
among codes of communication provide the innovation engine.





Is there a connection
between infrastructures and the success of innovation processes?



One
of the conclusions, which pervades throughout all advanced economies, is that
knowledge intensive services (KIS) are
not synergetic locally because they can be disconnected – uncoupled – from the
location. For example, if one offers a knowledge-intensive service in Munich
and receives a phone call from Hamburg, the next step is to take a plane to
Hamburg, or to catch a train inside Germany perhaps. Thus, it does not matter
whether one is located in Munich or Hamburg as knowledge-intensive services
uncouple from the local economy. The main point is proximity to an airport or
train station.



This
is also the case for high-tech knowledge-based manufacturing. But it is
different for medium-tech manufacturing, because in this case the dynamics are
more embedded in the other parts of the economy. If one looks at Russia, the
knowledge-intensive services operate differently from the Western European
model, where the phenomenon of uncoupling takes place. In Russia, KIS
contribute to coupling, as knowledge-intensive services are related to state
apparatuses.



In
the Russian case, the knowledge-based economy is heavily concentrated in Moscow
and St. Petersburg. So, if one aims –as the Russian government proclaims – to create
not "wealth from knowledge" but "knowledge from wealth" – that is, oil revenues
–it might be wise to uncouple the knowledge-intensive services from the state
apparatuses. Of course, this is not easy to do in the Russian model because
traditionally, the center (Moscow) has never done this. Uncoupling
knowledge-intensive services, however, might give them a degree of freedom to
move around, from Tomsk to Minsk or vice
versa, steered by economic forces more than they currently are (via institutions
in Moscow).





Final question. What does path-dependency mean in the context of
innovation dynamics?



In
The Challenge of Scientometrics. The development, measurement, and
self-organization of scientific communications (1995), I used Shannon-type information theory to study
scientometric problems, as this methodology combines both static and dynamic
analyses. Connected to this theory I developed a measurement method for
path-dependency and critical transitions.



In
the case of a radio transmission, for example, you have a sender and a
receiver, and in between you may have an auxiliary station. For instance, the
sender is in New York and the receiver is in Bonn and the auxiliary station is
in Iceland. The signal emerges in New York and travels to Bonn, but it may be possible
to improve the reception by assuming the signal is from Iceland instead of
listening to New York. When Iceland provides a better signal, it is possible to
forget the history of the signal before it arrived in Island. It no longer
matters whether Iceland obtained the signal originally from New York or Boston.
One takes the signal from Iceland and the pre-history of the signal does not
matter anymore for a receiver.



Such
a configuration provides a path-dependency (on Iceland) in
information-theoretical terms, measurable in terms of bits of information. In a
certain sense you get negative bits of information, since the shortest path in
the normal triangle would be from New York to Bonn, and in this case the
shortest path is from New York via Iceland to Bonn. I called this at the time a
critical transition. In a scientific text for instance, a new terminology can
come up and if it overwrites the old terminology to the extent that one does
not have to listen to the old terminology anymore, one has a critical
transition that frees one from the path-dependencies at a previous moment of
time.



Thus,
my example is about radical and knowledge-based changes. As long as one has to
listen to the past, one does not make a critical transition. The knowledge-based
approach is always about creative destruction and about moving ahead,
incorporating possible new options in the future. The hypothesized future
states become more important than the past. The challenge, in my opinion, is to
make the notion of options operational and to bring these ideas into
measurement. The Triple-Helix indicator measures the number of possible options
as additional redundancy. This measurement has the additional advantage that one
becomes sensitive to uncertainty in the prediction.





Loet Leydesdorff is Professor Emeritus at the Amsterdam School of Communications Research (ASCoR) of the University of Amsterdam. He is Honorary Professor of the Science and Technology Policy Research Unit (SPRU) of the University of Sussex, Visiting Professor at the School of Management, Birkbeck, University of London, Visiting Professor of the Institute of Scientific and Technical Information of China (ISTIC) in Beijing, and Guest Professor at Zhejiang University in Hangzhou. He has published extensively in systems theory, social network analysis, scientometrics, and the sociology of innovation (see at http://www.leydesdorff.net/list.htm). With Henry Etzkowitz, he initiated a series of workshops, conferences, and special issues about the Triple Helix of University-Industry-Government Relations. He received the Derek de Solla Price Award for Scientometrics and Informetrics in 2003 and held "The City of Lausanne" Honor Chair at the School of Economics, Université de Lausanne, in 2005. In 2007, he was Vice-President of the 8th International Conference on Computing Anticipatory Systems (CASYS'07, Liège). In 2014, he was listed as a highly-cited author by Thomson Reuters. 





Literature and Related
links:



Science & Technology Dynamics,
University of Amsterdam / Amsterdam School of Communications
Research (ASCoR) 


Leydesdorff,
L. (2006). The Knowledge-Based Economy: Modeled, Measured, Simulated. Universal Publishers, Boca Raton, FL.


Leydesdorff, L. (2001). A Sociological Theory of Communication: The Self-Organization of the
Knowledge-Based Society. Universal Publishers, Boca Raton, FL.


Leydesdorff,
L. (1995). The Challenge of Scientometrics . The development, measurement, and
self-organization of scientific communications. Leiden, DSWO Press, Leiden University.


http://www.leydesdorff.net/





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27-28 Oct. 2016. www.tinyurl.com/jurilinguistics 11. Third International Conference on Research into the Didactics of Translation. Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 7-8 Julio 2016 http://grupsderecerca.uab.cat/pacte/en/content/second-circular-1 12. EST Congress – Expanding the Boundaries or Strengthening the Bases: Should Translation Studies Explore Visual Representation? Aarhus University (Dinamarca), 15-17 Sep. 2016 http://bcom.au.dk/research/conferencesandlectures/est-congress-2016/panels/18-expanding-the-boundaries-or-strengthening-the-bases-should-translation-studies-explore-visual-representation/ 13. Tourism across Cultures: Accessibility in Tourist Communication Università di Salento, Lecce (Italia). 25-27 Feb. 2016 http://unisalento.wix.com/tourism 14. Translation and Interpreting Studies at the Crossroad: A Dialogue between Process-oriented and Sociological Approaches – The Fourth Durham Postgraduate Colloquium on Translation Studies Durham University, UK. 30 Abril – 1 Mayo 2016. www.dur.ac.uk/cim 15. Translation and Interpreting: Convergence, Contact, Interaction Università di Trieste (Italia), 26-28 Mayo 2016 http://transint2016.weebly.com 16. 7th International Symposium for Young Researchers in Translation, Interpreting, Intercultural Studies and East Asian Studies. Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 1 Julio 2016. http://pagines.uab.cat/simposi/en 17. Translation Education in a New Age The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shenzhen, China 15-16 Abril 2016. Contact: Claire Zhou (clairezhou@cuhk.edu.cn) 18. Audiovisual Translation: Dubbing and Subtitling in the Central European Context, Constantine the Philosopher University, Nitra (Eslovaquia). 15-17 Junio 2016. https://avtnitraconference.wordpress.com 19. Cervantes, Shakespeare, and the Golden Age of Drama Madrid, 17-21 Oct. 2016 http://aedean.org/wp-content/uploads/Call-for-papers.pdf 20. 3rd International Conference Languaging Diversity – Language/s and Power. Università di Macerata (Italia), 3-5 Marzo 2016 http://studiumanistici.unimc.it/en/research/conferences/languaging-diversity 21. Congreso Internacional de Traducción Especializada (EnTRetextos) Universidad de Valencia, 27-29 Abril 2016 http://congresos.adeituv.es/entretextos 22. Translation & Quality 2016: Corpora & Quality Université Charles de Gaulle Lille 3 (Francia), 5 Feb. 2016 http://traduction2016.sciencesconf.org/?lang=en 23. New forms of feedback and assessment in translation and interpreting training and industry. 8th EST Congress – Translation Studies: Moving Boundaries, Aarhus University (Dinamarca), 15-17 Sep. 2016. www.bcom.au.dk/est2016 24. Intermedia 2016 – Conference on Audiovisual Translation University of Lodz (Polonia), 14-16 Abril 2016 http://intermedia.uni.lodz.pl 25. New Technologies and Translation Université d'Algiers (Argelia). 23-24 Feb. 2016 Contacto: newtech.trans.algiers@gmail.com 26. Circulation of Academic Thought - Rethinking Methods in the Study of Scientific Translation. 11 - 12 Dec. 2015, University of Graz (Austria).https://translationswissenschaft.uni-graz.at/de/itat/veranstaltungen/circulation-of-academic-thought 27. The 7th Asian Translation Traditions Conference Monash University, Malaysia Campus, 26-30 Sep. 2016. http://future.arts.monash.edu/asiantranslation7 28. "Translation policy: connecting concepts and writing history" 8th EST Congress – Translation Studies: Moving Boundaries Aarhus University (Dinamarca), 15-17 Sep. 2016 http://bcom.au.dk/research/conferencesandlectures/est-congress-2016/panels/13-translation-policy-connecting-concepts-and-writing-history 29. International Conference – Sound / Writing: On Homophonic Translation. Université de Paris (Francia), 17-19 Nov. 2016 www.fabula.org/actualites/sound-writing-on-homophonic-translationinternational-conference-paris-november-17-19-2016_71295.php 30. Third Hermeneutics and Translation Studies Symposium – Translational Hermeneutics as a Research Paradigm Technische Hochschule, Colonia (Alemania), 30 Junio-1 Julio 2016 www.phenhermcommresearch.de/index.php/conferences 31. II International Conference on Economic Financial and Institutional Translation. Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières (Canadá), 17-18 Agosto 2016. www.uqtr.ca/ICEBFIT 32. International Congress - liLETRAd 2016-Cátedra LILETRAD. Literature Languages Translation, Universidad de Sevilla, 6-8 Julio 2016. https://congresoliletrad.wordpress.com 33. Transmediations! Communication across Media Borders Linnæus University, Växjö (Suecia), 13–15 Oct. 2016 http://lnu.se/lnuc/linnaeus-university-centre-for-intermedial-and-multimodal-studies-/events/conferences/transmediations?l=en 34. Translation Education in a New Age, 15-16 Abril 2016. School of Humanities and Social Science, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shenzhen. Contacto: chansinwai@cuhk.edu.cn 35. Translation and Time: Exploring the Temporal Dimension of Cross-cultural Transfer, 8-10 Diciembre 2016. Departamento de Traducción, The Chinese University of Hong Kong. Contacto: translation-and-time@cuhk.edu.hk. 36. Du jeu dans la langue. Traduire les jeux de mots / Loose in Translation. Translating Wordplay, 23-24 Marzo 2017, Université de Lille (France) https://www.univ-lille3.fr/recherche/actualites/agenda-de-la-recherche/?type=1&id=1271. Contacto: traduirejdm@univ-lille3.fr, julie.charles@univ-lille3.fr 37. Translation and Translanguaging across Disciplines. EST Congress 2016 "Translation Studies: Moving Boundaries", European Society for Translation Studies, Aarhus (Dinamarca), 15-17 Sep. 2016 http://bcom.au.dk/research/conferencesandlectures/est-congress-2016/panels/12-translation-and-translanguaging-across-disciplines/ Contacto: nune.ayvazyan@urv.cat; mariagd@blanquerna.url.edu; sara.laviosa@uniba.it http://bcom.au.dk/research/conferencesandlectures/est-congress-2016/submission/ 38. Beyond linguistic plurality: The trajectories of multilingualism in Translation. An international conference organized jointly by Bogaziçi University, Department of Translation and Interpreting Studies, and Research Group on Translation and Transcultural Contact, York University, Bogaziçi University, 1-12 Mayo 2016. Contacto: sehnaz.tahir@boun.edu.tr, MGuzman@glendon.yorku.ca 39. "Professional and Academic Discourse: an interdisciplinary perspective". XXXIV IConferencia Internacional de la Sociedad Española de Lingüística Aplicada (AESLA), 14-16 Abril 2016. Interuniversity Institute for Applied Modern Languages (IULMA) / Universidad de Alicante. http://web.ua.es/aesla2016. Contacto: antonia.montes@ua.es. 2) CURSOS, SEMINARIOS, POSGRADOS / COURSES, SEMINARS, MASTERS: 1. Seminario: Breaking News for French>English and English>French Translators King's College Cambridge, UK, 8-10 Agosto 2016 Contacto: translateincambridge@iti.org.uk 2. Curso on-line: Setting Up as a Freelance Translator Enero – Marzo 2016. Institute of Translation & Interpreting, UK https://gallery.mailchimp.com/58e5d23248ce9f10c161ba86d/files/Application_Form_SUFT_2016.pdf?utm_source=SUFT+December+Emailer&utm_campaign=11fdfe0453-Setting_Up_as_a_Freelance_Translator12_7_2015&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_6ef4829e50-11fdfe0453-25128325 3. Curso: Using Interpreters for Intercultural Communication and Other Purposes (COM397CE) http://darkallyredesign.com/what-we-do/using-interpreters-for-intercultural-communication 4. Workshop: How to Write and Publish Your Scholarly Paper In cooperation with the European Association of Science Editors (EASE) New Bulgarian University, Sofia (Bulgaria), 21-23 Marzo 2016 www.facebook.com/events/1511610889167645 http://esnbu.org/data/files/resources/ease-nbu-seminar-march-2016-fees.pdf 5. Posgrado: II Postgraduate Course on Spanish Law Taught in English "Global study". Universidad Internacional de Andalucía / Colegio de Abogados de Málaga. www.unia.es/cursos/guias/4431_english.pdf 3) CURSOS DE VERANO / SUMMER COURSES: 1. STRIDON – Translation Studies Doctoral and Teacher Training Summer School, Piran (Eslovenia), 27 Junio – 8 Julio 2016 www.prevajalstvo.net/doctoral-summer-school 2. Training in Translation Pedagogy Program School of Translation and Interpretation, University of Ottawa (Canadá), 4-29 Julio 2016. https://arts.uottawa.ca/translation/summer-programs 3. 2016 Nida School of Translation Studies. Translation, Ecology and Entanglement, San Pellegrino University Foundation, Misano Adriatico, Rimini (Italia), 30 Mayo – 10 Junio 2016. http://nsts.fusp.it/Nida-Schools/NSTS-2016 4. TTPP - Intensive Summer Program in Translation Pedagogy University of Ottawa (Canadá), 4-29 Julio 2016. http://arts.uottawa.ca/translation/summer-programs-2016/ttpp 5. CETRA Summer School 2016. 28th Research Summer School University of Leuven, campus Antwerp (Bélgica), 22 Agosto – 2 Sep. 2016. Contacto: cetra@kuleuven.be. http://www.arts.kuleuven.be/cetra 4) LIBROS / BOOKS: 1. Varela Salinas, María-José & Bernd Meyer (eds.) 2016. Translating and Interpreting Healthcare Discourses / Traducir e interpretar en el ámbito sanitario. Berlín : Frank & Timme. www.frank-timme.de/verlag/verlagsprogramm/buch/verlagsprogramm/bd-79-maria-jose-varela-salinasbernd-meyer-eds-translating-and-interpreting-healthcare-disc/backPID/transued-arbeiten-zur-theorie-und-praxis-des-uebersetzens-und-dolmetschens-1.html 2. Ordóñez López, Pilar and José Antonio Sabio Pinilla (ed.) 2015. Historiografía de la traducción en el espacio ibérico. Textos contemporáneos. Madrid: Ediciones de Castilla-La Mancha. www.unebook.es/libro/historiografia-de-latraduccion-en-el-espacio-iberico_50162 3. Bartoll, Eduard. 2015. Introducción a la traducción audiovisual. Barcelona: Editorial UOC. www.editorialuoc.cat/introduccion-a-la-traduccion-audiovisual 4. Rica Peromingo, Juan Pedro & Jorge Braga Riera. 2015. Herramientas y técnicas para la traducción inglés-español. Madrid: Babélica. www.escolarymayo.com/libro.php?libro=7004107&menu=7001002&submenu=7002029 5. Le Disez, Jean-Yves. 2015. F.A.C.T. Une méthode pour traduire de l'anglais au français. París: Ellipses. www.editions-ellipses.fr/product_info.php?cPath=386&products_id=10601 6. Baker, Mona (ed.) 2015. Translating Dissent: Voices from and with the Egyptian Revolution. Londres: Routledge. www.tandf.net/books/details/9781138929876 7. Gallego Hernández, Daniel (ed.) 2015. Current Approaches to Business and Institutional Translation / Enfoques actuales en traducción económica e institucional. Berna: Peter Lang. www.peterlang.com/download/datasheet/86140/datasheet_431656.pdf 8. Vasilakakos, Mary. 2015. A Training Handbook for Health and Medical Interpreters in Australia. www.interpreterrevalidationtraining.com/books-and-resources.html 9. Jankowska, Anna & Agnieszka Szarkowska (eds) 2015. New Points of View on Audiovisual Translation and Media Accessibility. Oxford: Peter Lang. www.peterlang.com/index.cfm?event=cmp.ccc.seitenstruktur.detailseiten&seitentyp=produkt&pk=83114 10. Baer, Brian James (2015). Translation and the Making of Modern Russian Literature, Londres: Bloomsbury. Translation and the Making of Modern Russian Literature is the inaugural book in a new Translation Studies series: Bloomsbury's "Literatures, Cultures, Translation." 11. Camps, Assumpta. 2016. La traducción en la creación del canon poético (Recepción de la poesía italiana en el ámbito hispánico en la primera mitad del siglo XX). Berna: Peter Lang. 5) REVISTAS / JOURNALS: 1. JoSTrans, The Journal of Specialised Translation, nº especial sobre Translation & the Profession, Vol. 25, Enero 2016. www.jostrans.org 2. Translation and Interpreting – Nº especial sobre Community Interpreting: Mapping the Present for the Future www.trans-int.org/index.php/transint. 3. inTRAlinea – Nº especial sobre New Insights into Specialised Translation. www.intralinea.org/specials/new_insights 4. Linguistica Antverpiensia NS-Themes in Translation Studies, 2015 issue, Towards a Genetics of Translation. https://lans-tts.uantwerpen.be/index.php/LANS-TTS/issue/view/16 5. Quaderns de Filologia, Nº especial sobre Traducción y Censura: Nuevas Perspectivas, Vol. 20, 2015. https://ojs.uv.es/index.php/qdfed/issue/view/577 6. The Translator – Nº especial sobre Food and Translation, Translation and Food, 2015, 21(3). www.tandfonline.com/eprint/ryqJewJUDKZ6m2YM4IaR/full 7. Current Trends in Translation Teaching and Learning E, 2015, 2 www.cttl.org/cttl-e-2015.html 8. Dragoman Journal of Translation Studies. www.dragoman-journal.org 9. Current Trends in Translation Teaching and Learning E. Edición especial sobre Translation Studies Curricula Across Countries and Cultures. www.cttl.org 10. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, Nº especial sobre Translation Policies and Minority Languages: Theory, Methods and Case Studies http://fouces.webs.uvigo.es/CallForPapersIJSLTranslationPolicies.pdf 11. Nº especial de The Interpreter and Translator Trainer 11(2) – Employability and the Translation Curriculum www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1750399X.2015.1103092 12. InTRAlinea. Nº especial sobre Building Bridges between Film Studies and Translation Studies www.intralinea.org/news/item/cfp_building_bridges_between_film_studies_and_translation_studies 13. Nº especial de TranscUlturAl: Comics, BD & Manga in translation/en traduction https://ejournals.library.ualberta.ca/index.php/TC/announcement/view/290 14. The Journal of Translation Studies 2015, 16(4) Nº especial sobre Translator and Interpreter Training in East Asia Contacto: Won Jun Nam: wjnam@hufs.ac.kr, wonjun_nam@daum.net 15. TRANS Revista de Traductología, 19(2), 2015. www.trans.uma.es/trans_19.2.html 16. Between, 9, 2015 – Censura e auto-censura http://ojs.unica.it/index.php/between/index 17. Translation Studies, Nº especial sobre Translingualism & Transculturality in Russian Contexts of Translation http://explore.tandfonline.com/cfp/ah/rtrs-cfp3 18. Translation & Interpreting, 7:3, 2016 www.trans-int.org/index.php/transint/issue/view/38 19. "The translation profession: Centres and peripheries" The Journal of Specialised Translation (Jostrans), Nº. 25, Enero 2016. The Journal of Translation Studies is a joint publication of the Department of Translation of The Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Chinese University Press. Contact: jts.tra@cuhk.edu.hk, james@arts.cuhk.edu.hk 19. Nuevo artículo: "The Invisibility of the African Interpreter" por Jeanne Garane, Translation: a transdisciplinary journal http://translation.fusp.it/. Contact: siri.nergaard@gmail.com.

Forming in the first months after the February Revolution, sections of the extremely leftist branch of the Polish Socialist Party, the Polish Socialist Party – Left and the Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania almost immediately made contact with Polish soldiers dispersed in the Russian Army, as well as serving in the Polish Rifle Division being part of the Army. Promoted in Russia after the Bolshevik revolution the idea of creating "Polish workers and peasants formations" initially received moderate attention from Polish military circles. This attitude was observed both among those who were still in active service, as well as among their demobilized companions. The widespread pacifist attitude among Polish military was a serious obstacle in attracting people ready to serve in revolutionary formations. It was previously infused by the very same emigrant radicals who, after November 7, 1917, for a change, had encouraged armed support for the revolution. In such a situation without the support of the Soviet civil and military authorities, any organizational initiatives from the Polish communist circles in Russia had no chance to be implemented. ; Translation and edition co-financed by Faculty of History and Sociology & Institute of History and Political Sciences of University of Bialystok ; adam.miodowski@uwb.edu.pl ; Adam Miodowski - historian since 1994 associated with the Institute of History and Political Sciences of the University of Bialystok. His research interests focus primarily on the political and military history of the 19th and 20th centuries. A parallel field of interest is women's history and press studies. In the territorial dimension, he directs his research towards Central and Eastern Europe, primarily Poland, as well as the space of his small homeland defined by the borders of the contemporary Podlasie Voivodeship. Apart from dozens of articles and publications of source materials, he also published five book monographs: -Wychodźcze ugrupowania demokratyczne wobec idei polskiego wojska w Rosji w latach 1917-1918, Białystok 2002; - Przewłaszczenia dóbr dojlidzkich na tle kampanii politycznej przełomu lat 1921/1922, Białystok 2003; - Związki Wojskowych Polaków w Rosji (1917-1918), Białystok 2004; - Polityka wojskowa radykalnej lewicy polskiej (1917-1921), Białystok 2011; - Wspólnota doświadczeń i odrębność historii ziem województwa podlaskiego. Wybrane zagadnienia z XIX i XX- wiecznych dziejów Białostocczyzny, Suwalszczyzny i Łomżyńskiego, Białystok 2016. ; Wydział Historyczno-Socjologiczny Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku ; Alexandrowicz Stanisław, Karpus Zbigniew, Rezmer Waldemar (eds), Zwycięzcy za drutami: jeńcy polscy w niewoli (1919–1922). Dokumenty i materiały, Toruń 1995. ; Bagiński Henryk, Dokumenty z okresu organizacji i walk wojska polskiego na wschodzie 1917–1918. Załącznik do skargi przeciw gen. J. Dowbor-Muśnickiemu, Warszawa 1936. ; Belov G. (ed.), Direktivy Glawnogo Komandowanija Krasnoj Armii1917–1920. Sbornik dokumentow, Moskva 1969. ; Dokumenty i materiały do historii stosunków polsko-radzieckich, N. Gąsiorowska et al. (general eds), Vol. I: marzec 1917-listopad 1918, W. Gostyńska et al. (eds), Warszawa 1962. ; Dokumenty i materiały do historii stosunków polsko-radzieckich, N. Gąsiorowska et al. (general eds), Vol. II: listopad 1918-kwiecień 1920, W. Gostyńska et al. (eds), Warszawa 1961. ; Dokumenty i materiały do historii stosunków polsko-radzieckich, N. Gąsiorowska et al. (general eds), Vol. III: kwiecień 1920-marzec 1921, W. Gostyńska et al. (eds), Warszawa 1964. ; Gostyńska Weronika (ed.), Tajne rokowania polsko-radzieckie w 1919 r. Materiały archiwalne i dokumenty, Warszawa 1986. ; Jegorov A., Bogoljubov K. (eds), Kommunisticheskaja partija Sovetskogo Sojuza v rezoljucijah i reshenijah s'ezdov, konferencij i plenumov Central'nogo Komiteta, Vol. 2: 1917-1922, Moskva 1983. ; Jezovitov Konstantin, Belorussy i poljaki. Dokumenty i fakty iz istorii okkupacii Belorussii poljakami v 1918 i 1919 godach, Kovna 1919. ; Materiały archiwalne do historii stosunków polsko-radzieckich, N. Gąsiorowska (general ed.), Vol. I: marzec 1917-listopad 1918, A. Zatorski (ed.), Warszawa 1957. ; Narodnyj Komissariat po delam Nacional'nostej. Otchot o dejatel'nosti: 1 nojabrja 1917 g. – 20 ijunja 1918 g., koll. rab., Moskva 1918. ; Kozicki Stanisław (ed.), Bój pod Lidą, Warszawa 1930. ; Rogowski Jan, Dzieje Wojska Polskiego na Syberji, Poznań 1927. ; Rosenfeld Gunter, Sovietrussland und Deutschland 1917–1922, Berlin 1960. ; Snyder Timothy, Tajna wojna. Henryk Józewski i polsko-sowiecka rozgrywka o Ukrainę, Kraków 2008. ; Tęgoborski Włodzimierz, Polacy Związku Radzieckiego, Moskwa 1929. ; Toporowicz Wiesława, Sprawa polska w polityce rosyjskiej 1914–1917, Warszawa 1973. ; Wrzosek Mieczysław, Polskie korpusy wojskowe w Rosji w latach 1917–1918, Warszawa 1969. ; Wrzosek Mieczysław, Wojny o granice Polski Odrodzonej 1918–1921, Warszawa 1992. ; Wrzosek Mieczysław, Wojsko Polskie i operacje wojenne lat 1918–1921, Białystok 1988. ; Zackiewicz Grzegorz, Polska myśl polityczna wobec systemu radzieckiego, Kraków 2004. ; Szczęsny Wacław (ed.), Kwestia wojska polskiego w Rosji w 1917 r. Przyczynek do historii związków i zjazdu Polaków wojskowych z byłej armii rosyjskiej oraz do dziejów ruchu niepodległościowego i polityki polskiej w Rosji, Warszawa 1936. ; Žarov Lev, Internacjonalisty v bojach za vlast' sovietow. Trudiaščijesia zarubiežnych stran – učastniki bor'by za wlast' Sovietov, Moskva 1967. ; Krótki zarys dziejów polskich formacji wojskowych na wschodzie (II Korpus, III Korpus, 4 Dywizja Strzelców, 5 Dywizja Strzelców, 5 Dywizja Syberyjska – Oddział Kaukaski), anonymous editor, Warszawa 1921. ; Zatorski Aleksander, Dzieje Pułku Biełgorodzkiego, Warszawa 1960. ; Zatorski Aleksander, Polska lewica wojskowa w Rosji, Warszawa 1971. ; Antoniuk Aleksander (ed.), Białostocczanie w rewolucji październikowej, Białystok 1987. ; Ciapka Józef (ed.), Zarys historii wojennej 33 pułku piechoty, Warszawa 1929. ; Kutrzeba Tadeusz (ed.), Bitwa nad Niemnem (wrzesień-październik 1920 r.) – studia taktyczne, Warszawa 1926. ; Blum Ignacy, Polacy w Rosji carskiej i Związku Radzieckim, "Wojskowy Przegląd Historyczny", 1966, Issue 3. ; Borzęcki Jerzy, Wyzwolenie Wilna w kwietniu 1919 roku w świetle dokumentów Adiutantury Generalnej Naczelnego Dowództwa, "Przegląd Wschodni" 2006, Vol. 9, No. 4. ; Deruga Aleksy, Geneza umowy białostockiej z 5.02.1919 r., "Rocznik Białostocki", 1965, Vol. 6. ; Miodowski Adam, Działalność polityczno-wojskowa polskichkręgów proaktywistycznych w Rosji w okresie międzyrewolucyjnym (marzec-listopad 1917 r.), "Białostockie Teki Historyczne" 2010, Vol. 8. ; Filipow Krzysztof, Skryte oddziały Wojska Polskiego: Samoobrona Litwy i Białorusi (1918–1919), [in:] D. Grinberg, J. Snopko, G. Zackiewicz (eds), Rok 1918 w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej, Białystok 2010. ; Gostyńska Weronika, Rola Juliana Marchlewskiego w tajnych rokowaniach polsko-radzieckich (czerwiec-lipiec 1919 r.), "Z Pola Walki" 1966, Issue 2. ; Hofman Jan, Z zagadnień formowania międzynarodowych oddziałów Armii Czerwonej (1917–1920), "Wojskowy Przegląd Historyczny" 1964, Issue 2. ; Obichkin G. et al. (eds), Dekrety Sovetskoj vlasti. V dvuch tomach, Vol. 1. Moskva 1957. ; Kasprzakowa Janina, Paweł Lewinson-Łapiński, "Z Pola Walki" 1965, Issue 3. ; Klimecki Michał, Republika Rad w Małopolsce Wschodniej. 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Inhaltsangabe: Introduction: The master thesis 'Worldwide Development of Nuclear Energy and the Strategic Deployment of German Consultancies on the Arabian Peninsula' is chiefly targeted at German consultancy companies so that they can assess their status of strategic deployment and prioritize their activities to enter a new business sector in a foreign market. This publication could also be of relevance for policy makers, investors, suppliers as well as nuclear energy and governmental agencies to identify their need for external advisers to safely operate a nuclear power program; provides a guideline for how to enter a new market. Hence this thesis should be considered as an aid to identify hurdles and obstacles that have to be foreseen and so overcome. Potential business fields are also noted as well as important factors that have to be considered to minimize the chance of failure in the new market. Nevertheless, this huge market with its continuously changing constraints and conditions could throw up a lot more obstacles than could be covered in this thesis. Also the internal organizations of individual companies may differ from the one described in the thesis. The objective of this master thesis is thus to set out a set of guidelines for possible approaches. The first two chapters present an overview of the current geographical, political, cultural and economic conditions to familiarize the reader with the background information and constraints needed for the subsequent chapters. The third chapter deals more specifically with the energy market on the Arabian Peninsula, particular in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. This chapter provides information on types of energy, pending developments, country-specific organizations and institutions, as well as means of financing such huge projects. The fourth chapter is devoted exclusively to nuclear energy, starting with the current status and the motivation of the two countries to launch such a development. This is followed by a description of the legal requirements and other commitments as decreed by the countries' governments. These specific legal conditions do not just apply within the countries concerned, but companies which do business there are likewise obliged to follow these regulations. Challenges for countries are opportunities for consultants, and identification of these represents is the core content of this chapter. The content of the fifth chapter is the preparatory measures that are essential prior to entering a foreign market. A company's vision and mission as well as various analyses are needed to provide a sound basis for taking a decision to proceed. In this context, SWOT analysis is noted as well as an evaluation of M.E. Porter's 'Five Forces' to describe the market and internal organizations. After the preparatory measures, the implementation phase follows. This and its various stages are described in Chapter 6. It is inevitable that, to ensure success, many measures will have to implemented and subsequently adjusted. This starts with deployment and steering of business units and proceeds to overcoming difficulties with external parties. Recruitment on a permanent basis of employees is also a prerequisite for sustained business success, together with a staff feedback, incentive and salary system. Chapter 7 sets out methods for evaluating previous years' activities in the new business. The first couple of years after 'start-up' are over and the situation in which the company is now has to be assessed. It is frequently necessary to undertake organizational upgrades, that could amount to a complete reorganization of the business, aided by change management provisions. The final Chapter 8 summarizes the key information and content, and sets forth the need and reasons for strategic deployment. Changes in the market means that companies will have to re-adjust for economic survival. Because the nuclear program of the United Arab Emirates is more advanced than that of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and information is less available in the latter country, the main focus of this thesis is on the UAE. Nevertheless, the KSA is an emerging nuclear market with great ambitious for a nuclear program and so is worthy of mention when discussing constraints and conditions that these countries have in common. Other countries that are members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) do share an interest in nuclear energy but are not yet at the same stage of development as the UAE and KSA. These serve from time to time to support arguments and figures. A sufficient and reliable energy supply is essential for continuous economic development, contributing also to poverty reduction and health care improvement. If these developments are restricted or lacking, often the result is social conflict that could even lead to civil strife. Examples are rural arid areas in the world where there is no access to potable water. A minor local conflict affects the economic development and population of specific countries and often results in regional instability and interventions from outside. The global energy imbalance has been steadily growing over the past couple of decades. Roughly 1.6 billion people live without electricity, and almost 2.4 billion people rely on traditional biomass to cook their daily meals . Modern fuels are not available or are restricted to the upper social strata. There is an almost equal share of the world's population with no access to potable water, so in the struggle for survival the consequences will be social unrest and riots. In some poor countries of the world, the per capita electricity consumption is as low as 50 kWh per annum, compared to developed countries with 8,600 kWh. Worldwide, the provision of energy is dominated by three major challenges. 1. Energy consumption has tripled in the past half century. If this continues, humankind will consume more energy in the 21st century than in the entire past history. This represents an increase of 53% in global energy consumption by 2030. 2. The main energy resources are now scarce, so to ensure economic development, countries will compete with each other to acquire their own supplies. Each country seeks to protect its existing sources and open up new ones. This will not result in a fair distribution of resources, as poor countries are not able to compete with their developed neighbors and lose out, as has often happened in history. 3. To an increasing extent attention is focusing on environmental impacts. Because of the greenhouse effect, carbon dioxide emissions from burning fossil fuels bring about a rise in global temperatures. The consequences are long-lasting drought, sea level rise, submerging coastal regions and more destructive storms. For these reasons, many governments are reviewing their present energy mixes and are considering alternatives to avert the consequences of energy scarcity, including the renewal of interest in nuclear energy that has been noted in recent decades. Adoption or resumption of nuclear energy is at least one solution for some countries faced with a threat to the security of their energy supplies. Among others, one benefit of nuclear energy is zero emissions of greenhouse gases during their operating phase and the ability of huge plants to provide electricity reliably and on a large scale. Much engineering effort has been devoted to significantly improving nuclear plant safety in recent decades. Furthermore, although they are finite, there are ample reserves of uranium and, unlike petrochemicals, they are not put to any other use apart from as an energy source. Prospecting is under way for new deposits, as currently in Yemen. The cost of electricity generated by nuclear power is now competitive, but a major concern that has still to be resolved is final storage of down burned nuclear fuel rods. An overview of the economics is provided by a cost comparison of the various electricity generation technologies, as shown in Figure 1-1 below. This survey is ongoing in a couple of countries to seek a basis for taking decisions on their energy strategies. The quoted figures are ballpark estimates, with actual values depending very much on local conditions and the current market situation, but they do serve to provide a rough comparison. The outcome of these calculations is that electricity generation from nuclear fuel is, at 91.0 US Dollar/MWh, much more competitive than firing crude oil at 133.4 US Dollar/MWh. However, a major consideration is the distinction that has to be made between supplying base and peak/cycling load. To meet the demand for base-load electricity, large-scale power plants, like nuclear and those fired with coal and crude oil are more favorable. These need an extended start-up period – ranging from a couple of hours to two or three days – before they can feed power into the grid. Smaller scale plant, like diesel-fired simple-cycle gas turbines and solar power plants are able to rapidly ramp their power output up and down to cover daily consumption peaks. For this reason, nuclear power plants almost exclusively operate continuously at or near peak output to supply base load, together with natural gas-fired combined cycle gas turbine plants and coal-fired power plants. Diesel-fired gas turbines and solar power plants find application for peak and cycling duty. The key factors are listed in the following table, with firstly the operating parameters, which are attributes specific to the various power plant technologies that are taken as basic assumptions for the further calculations. The second sub-heading is key financial constraints, which fix the technology that is more economical. These comprise the capital cost for construction and development as well as long-term costs that are highly cyclical and cannot be so readily predicted as the other costs. The third main distinction is the direct electricity generation costs. These are running costs incurred only during power plant operation and are directly related to the rated power output in MWe. This calculation serves as well to identify companies and utility suppliers for nuclear power generation as well as to broaden the mix of energy supply technologies and reduce dependency on specific primary resources.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Contents: List of Figures4 List of Abbreviations6 1.Introduction and Objective8 1.1Objective of this Master Thesis8 1.2Introduction9 2.Geographical, Political, Cultural and Economic Conditions13 2.1Geography and Culture13 2.2Economy and Politics14 2.3Political and Social Stability in the UAE18 2.4Relations between the UAE and Germany18 2.5Relationship between the KSA and Germany19 3.Energy Sectors of the Leading Countries on the Arabian Peninsula20 3.1Electricity Generation and Consumption in KSA and UAE20 3.2Water Production and Consumption in the KSA and UAE24 3.3Renewable Energy in the UAE and KSA25 3.4Pending Developments25 3.5Country-specific Organizations and Authorities26 3.6Financing of Power Projects in Arabian Countries27 3.7Summary of Chapter 327 4.Nuclear Energy on the Arabian Peninsula28 4.1Status in the UAE and KSA28 4.2Reasons for Launching a Nuclear Program29 4.3Obligations to Launch a Nuclear Program30 4.4Commitments of the UAE31 4.5Challenges and Potentials of the Nuclear Path33 4.6Global Outlook35 5.Preparations for Market Penetration37 5.1Vision and Mission38 5.2Market Analysis39 5.3Strategic SWOT Analysis41 5.3.1Strengths41 5.3.2Weaknesses45 5.3.3Opportunities46 5.3.4Threats47 5.4Five Elements of Realization Strategy49 5.4.1Arenas (market conditions and valuable segments)49 5.4.2Staging and pacing53 5.4.3Differentiators55 5.4.4Vehicles (course of action)55 5.4.5Economic logic58 5.4.6Summary and checklist of foundation59 6.Execution of the Initial Phase60 6.1Centralization versus Decentralization of Business Units60 6.2Acquisition of New Permanent Employees61 6.2.1Recruitment strategy for employees without experience61 6.2.2Recruitment strategy for experienced employees62 6.2.3Selection of potential candidates63 6.2.4Recruitment process63 6.3Internal Deployment and Organization66 6.3.1Feedback systems66 6.3.2Development of competencies66 6.3.3Incentives and salary systems68 6.3.4Difficulties with external parties69 7.Assessment of Business after 'Start-up Phase'70 7.1Reassessment of Recent Years70 7.2Organizational Improvement Measures72 7.3Change Management and the Reorganization of Business and Markets73 7.3.1Strengthen the position in the existing market74 7.3.2Entering new global markets75 8.Summary76 List of Literature78Textprobe:Text Sample: Chapter 3.3, Renewable Energy in the UAE and KSA: Utility companies in the GCC states are under enormous pressure due to the global scarcity of fossil fuels, which are running out much faster than expected, consequently they are boosting also renewable energies. Governmental agencies have been instructed to review energy consumption in the Middle East and are seeking alternatives to meet the rising demand, which is also in line with the global environmental movement to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. The long shoreline and high insolation throughout the year are optimal for generating wind, water and photovoltaic power. The following illustrate the efforts made by government agencies for the upcoming year: Abu Dhabi's Masdar City is spending US Dollar 2 billion on promoting solar technology. Saudi Arabia is looking to position itself as a centre for solar energy research and so become a net exporter of energy sourced from renewables. Abu Dhabi is to build the world's largest hydrogen power plant at a cost of US Dollar 15 billion. 'Glance over the borders": Jordan is assessing plans for constructing a wind farm while Qatar is considering solar power. 3.4, Pending Developments: Regarding upcoming developments, the two countries, UAE and KSA, have to be considered separately due to the primary resources that are available. Crude oil and natural gas reserves in Saudi Arabia will last decades more than the resources in the UAE. A further reason is that the quality and composition of the mineral resources are much less favorable in the KSA than in the UAE. This means that their firing for power generation is, for economic reasons, the only reasonable option for their exploitation. In the UAE the situation is different, as there the mineral resources are of much higher quality and are too valuable to fire in power plants. The price obtainable on the world petrochemicals market is much higher than the benefit derived from electricity generation. The UAE therefore has a greater incentive to diversify its power generation and to invest in technologies other than fossil fuels much earlier. Based on the financial and economic crisis, the 'Bundesverband der Deutschen Industrie' expects a smoother growth of GDP in 2008 and 2009. This means that ongoing projects with a total CAPEX of US Dollar 378 billion will be postponed or abandoned. Despite these figures, the UAE will remain the most important project market for German companies in the Arabian region. Over the near term, between 2009 and 2011, the UAE expects investments of about US Dollar 540 billion. Showing high potential for investments of about US Dollar 24 billion is expansion of water production and power plant capacities. To participate in this development, frequent consultations and top-level meetings are held to strengthen the relationship between German industry and local agencies like DEWA (Dubai Electrical and Water Authority) and ADWEA (Abu Dhabi Water and Electricity Authority). These authorities organize and guide all water and electricity projects, starting with planning and tendering through to commissioning. Over the past four years, energy consumption in the Emirate of Dubai has increased by around 10,000 GWh. As a consequence, the projection for 2010 is for a new electricity generation capacity of 9 GWe provided by power plants. Likewise electricity transmission has potential for growth. DEWA intends to award contracts annually for more than 6,000 km of HVDC (high voltage direct current) transmission lines. DEWA has an estimated annual budget of US Dollar 2 billion.

From the introduction: For more than two decades, scientific and political communities have debated whether and how to act on climate change. This discussion moved on. Today science is very clear about the magnitude of the risks imposed by unmanaged climate change: 'What we are doing is redifining where people could live and if we do that as a world than hundreds of million of people will move. Probably billions will move. We are talking about gambling the planet, we are talking about a radical change of the way in which human beings could live and where they could live and, indeed, how many of them." With regard to these risks the application of the precautionary principle telling us 'to better be safe than sorry" appears to be imperative and makes traditional cost-benefit analysis become obsolete. Thus combating global warming has become one of the most important issues facing the world in the 21. century. As nobody would be immune from the transformation the planet faces, avoiding this gamble should, in theory, be in the interest of all nations. Unfortunately, a common response in the scale necessary is hard to organize. While the industrialized countries fear the costs of the transformation from a high-carbon to a low-carbon economy, it is the poorest people who are facing a double unequity as they 1. will be hit earliest and hardest by the adverse impacts of climate change, and 2. are least responsible for the stock of current concentrations in the atmosphere. This inequity consequently leads to a great sense of injustice in developing countries being asked cut emission, while knowing, that the developed world got rich on high-carbon growth. Without any doubt the outcome of this is a historical responsibility of industrialized countries to take over leadership in reducing the emissions of greenhouse gases. However, bearing in mind that by 2050, approximately eight out of nine billion people in the world will be living in developing nations, it is impossible to get down to emission levels needed without at the same time covering the developing world as well. Against this background international climate protection is a sociopolitical, economical, and ethical challenge, concerning all nations, which have to understand that they are a community based on the principle of mutual solidarity. The international climate regime is regarded as the main platform to further cooperation between nations in order to succesfully combat global warming. Ever since the first world climate conference in 1979 the international community of states pursues the goal of stabilizing greenhouse gas emissions in the medium-term, before finally reducing them in the long-term. In the end of 2009 and 2010, the 15th and 16th Conference of Parties of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) aimed at achieving the final breakthrough with regard to framing new long-term mitigation commitments necessary in the scale needed to assure that global warming will not exceed 2° C above preindustrial levels; the line of demarcation from which on climate change is supposedly irreversible. Going from this initial situation this thesis will try to determine the driving-forces of the climate regime and research if the regime theory is a capable tool to explain them. In the following chapter it will be started by highlighting the scientific and economic consequences of anthropogenic climate change to amplify, why there is such an urgent need to fight global warming. Thereafter part three is going to deal with the regime theory. After presenting its interest-based, power-based, and knowledge-based school, these different approaches will, in a second step, be applied to the issue area of climate change. Basing on this analysis it is possible to hypothesize on how actors are supposed to behave within the regime. Due to the fact, that this thesis has a limited volume it will be focused on the three actors, which are regarded as not only most important for the regime's success but also possess the biggest influence within the international community, namely the United States, China, and the European Union. Thereby it will be strongly concentrated on the role of the United States. Understanding this role within the international climate regime is considered as absolutely central since the absolute emissions of the US surpass - with the exception of China - those of any other country and its per capita emissions are also amongst the highest in the world. As a result the US although containing just around one-twentieth of the world's population produce almost one-fifth of the world's total emissions of greenhouse gases. Being the world's largest economy the US moreover not only has considerable financial resources which could be directed to environmental problems abroad, but also a technological capability with huge mitigation potentials. Consequently there is a great chance that a possible decision of the US to take a leading role on addressing climate change would set an example that other countries would follow. On the other hand the rest of the world, and here especially developing countries, such as China or India, very likely will not agree to needed actions either, if the US chooses to reject such a leader-role. Therefore it is often spoken of a 'moral duty' of the US to take the lead in the response towards global warming, a duty which is amplified by the fact that the US alone is historically responsible for almost 30% of the total concentration of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere. While the EU has recognized its responsibility for anthropogenic climate change and implemented, as the first region worldwide, a comprehensive and demanding programme to fight the greenhouse effect, China's participation and cooperation in the climate change regime is particularly important for two reasons. First, China's impact on climate change is forecasted to be enormous: China's large population, rapid economic growth and heavy reliance on fossil fuels collectively imply large increases in CO2 emissions and thereby a disproportionate influence on climate change. The fourth part is divided in three sections. Since in isolation from its historical and institutional antecedents the global climate regime and the challenges it currently faces, cannot be properly understood, the first section will take a closer look at the current regime, which is founded on the 1992 United Nations Framework Convention on climate change and supplemented by its 1997 Kyoto-Protocol. In this context special attention will be given to the exit of the US from the Kyoto process as the slow progress in the international climate negotiations from that point on was mainly triggered by the reluctance of the US to endorse the Kyoto approach. The second section focuses on the main priorities of the actors within climate negotiations, which are in turn highly affected by their energy political situation. The negotiations in Copenhagen and to a minor extent in Cancun will from this basis offer valuable clues to the question to which extent the actors have been able to convert their interests within the regime. In the final part it will be possible to draw a conclusion regarding the driving-forces of the regime and how they affect its effectiveness and robustness. After giving a compressed outlook on potential future driving-forces an assumption will be issued whether the hypotheses developed in the third part can be coroborated as valid.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Contents 1.Introduction1 2.Scientific and economic consequences of anthropogenic climate change4 2.1.The natural and anthropogenic greenhouse effect4 2.1.1.The IPCC and its 4th Assessment Report6 2.1.2.The Stern Review and the economics of climate change10 3.The regime theory14 3.1.Three schools of thought within the theory of international regimes15 3.1.1.The interest-based approach15 3.1.1.1.Two-level games19 3.1.2.The power-based approach21 3.1.3.The knowledge-based approach23 3.2.Application of the three approaches to the issue are of climate change25 4.The issue area of climate change33 4.1.The current climate regime33 4.1.1.The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change34 4.1.2.The Kyoto Protocol35 4.1.2.1.The exit of the United States38 4.1.2.2.Basic weaknesses of the Kyoto Protocol41 4.1.3.The Bali Action Plan42 4.2.Prorities of the main actors42 4.2.1.The United States of America44 4.2.1.1.Obama's new climate policy46 4.2.2.China48 4.2.2.1.China's plead for consumption-based inventories54 4.3.International negotiations for a post-2012 agreement in Copenhagen and Cancun58 5.Analysis of the driving-forces in the climate regime64 5.1.The effectiveness and robustness of the climate regime64 5.2.Analysis of the driving-forces with regard to the effectiveness of the international climate regime65 5.2.1.Analysis of the current climate regime65 5.2.2.Analysis of the negotiations for a post-2012 climate regime67 5.2.3.Outlook regarding the regime's potential future driving-forces75 5.2.3.1.A shift in Obama's political priority setting75 5.2.3.2.Developments at the state and local level in the US77 5.2.3.2.1.The ballot on Propostion 23 in California82 5.3.Conclusion83 References90 Table of figures Figure 1:Development of global annual average temperature and CO2-concentrations5 Figure 2: Examples of impacts associated with global average temperature change8 Figure 3: Example of a payoff matrix in the Prisoner's Dilemma17 Figure 4: Example of a payoff matriv in the Battle of the Sexes22 Figure 5: Classification of a country's support for international environmental regulations27 Figure 6: Types of domestic political interest28 Figure 7: Targets of the Kyoto Protocol and actual reductions39 Figure 8: Coal producing states in the US44 Figure 9: Cross-party voting on the ACES in the House of Representatives45 Figure 10: Total energy consumption in China, by type (2008)49 Figure 11: China's exports and CO2-emissions since 200256 Figure 12: C02-emissions from China's net exports in 2004 in comparison with total emissions from China and other countries57 Figure 13: Renewable alternative portfolio standards in the US79 Figure 14: Regional cap and trade programs in the US80 Figure 15: Total global investments in clean energy in $ bn from 2004 to 201085 Appendixes Appendix 1: World carbon dioxide emissions by region107 Appendix 2: National reduction targets in the Non-ETS-Sector in the EU108 Appendix 3: Global carbon dioxide emissions from coal use in million metric tons, by region from 2005 to 2035109 Appendix 4: Global carbon dioxide emissions in million metric tons, by regionfrom 2005 to 2035110 Appendix 5: Energy-related carbon dioxide emissions in metric tons per person, by region and country from 2005 to 2035111 Appendix 6: China's coal deposits and major railway infrastructure112 Appendix 7: Copenhagen Accord emission mitigation goals of selected countries113 Appendix 8: New constructions of coal-fired power plants in Germany114 Appendix 9: World nuclear enery consumption, by region from 2005 to 2035115 Appendix 10: Transcript - Interview: Nicholas Stern116 Appendix 11: Transcript - Interview: Hermann Ott.120 Appendix 12: Transcript - Interview: Steve Kretzmann120Textprobe:Text Sample: Chapter 3., The regime theory: The regime theory originated in the late seventies initially in the United States. It searched for answers to challenges in a time when especially crude oil induced shocks in industrial countries have plastically shown the practical consequences of the grown interdependency of economies. So the American study of regimes first and foremost concentrated on the field of the international political economy and was trying to ensure a better understanding of international cooperation. At the same time another phenomenom occured, namely the significant increase in the numbers of international governmental and non-governmental organisations, while the dominance of the United States in the world politics declined. This was a surprising development as, according to the at this time predominant approach of neorealism, international institutions like GATT or the IMF were supposed to become ineffective as a result of the US loosing its status as a global hegemon. To primarily get a better understanding of what international regimes actually are it is useful to study them as social institutions. By means of separating international regimes from international organisations, which are likewise social institutions, two of their main criteria - besides fulfilling the criteria of durability - become especially apparent: In contrast to international organisations, which often have an effect across problems, international regimes always refer to a specific problem area of international politics, like the protection of the ozon layer, trade liberalisations or the problem of climate change, While international organisations can act as cooperative actors, international regimes lack this attribute. In the following it will be concentrated on the interest-based, power-based and knowledge based approach to explain the emergence and characteristics of international regimes. The main focus of attention will be put on the work of Robert Keohane, who produced the most elaborate and also most widely discussed neoliberal approach. While Keohane's formulation had such a strong influence that it has been widely equated with 'regime theory' as such, the neoliberal school of thought, whose overriding emphasis has been on showing the role of international regimes in helping states to realize common interests, has come to represent the mainstream approach analyzing international regimes. Keohane's theory will be complement by Putnams theory of the two-level-games to factor in domestic influences on the interests of states in international negotiations. Thereafter not only the main criticisms of the neorealist school regarding the neoliberal theory will be pointed out, but also the cognitivist perspective will be shown. Hereby it will concentrate on the branch of weak cognitivism that regards the demand for regimes in international relations as depending on the actors' perception of international problems, which in turn are - e.g. in the case of environmental problems - heavily influenced by the information provided by scientists and so called epistemic communities. The cognitive perspective distinguishes itself from the other two approaches since it is the only one, which does not have a rational but sociological meta-theoretical orientation and is another useful complementation of Keohane's regime theory. While none of the present approaches denies regimes any impact, the degree of institutionalism varies considerably, what not least has something to do with the behavioural models on which neoliberals, realists and cognitivists base their analyses. 3.1, Three schools of thought within the theory of international regime: 3.1.1, The interest-based approach: The interest-based theory attributes international institutions a significant role in international politics and therefore dealt critically with the approach of neorealism, which during the first quarter century after WWII has been predominant in the international relations. Neoliberal and realist theories of international regimes though share their commitment to rationalism, which assumes that states, which act in anarchic structures are the most important actors in international politics. By following selfishly defined interests to maximize own profits they behave as rational egoists for whom altruistism never is a motivating force. Compliance to international rules and norms is according to rationalists not a result of a moral obligaion but of a situation where own short-term gains fail to outweigh own losses in the long-run. In contrast to neorealism the interest-based approach consequently stresses, that stable international cooperation is possible even beyond hegemonic power structures, when cooperation is due to increasing interdependent relations beyond national borders in the common interest of all involved states. Since the actions of a player in a field are driven by its interests and every player behaves as a utility maximizer problematic acting interdependencies might emerge, in which a better collective result can solely be reached through cooperation. A need for cooperation is typical for the utilization of global collective goods, which once provided can be used by everyone not only by its providers but also by free-riders, namely states not contributing to make the good available. This is a situation, entitled by Garrett Hardin as the 'tragedy of the commons", that entails two major problems. 1. unless it happens to produce significant side-effects in the form of private goods an individual actor, contemplating whether to contribute to the collective good or not, most likely won't find a unilateral effort that will pay off, and 2. concerning the collective good itself, the smaller the actor the more its own benefit-cost ratio for unilateral efforts will negatively deviate from that of the world. Although in this constellation players have a common interest in securing the common good, cooperation seems very unlikely since each player will regard it as irrational.

Renuncia de Pervez MusharrafEn medio de una grave crisis política y acorralado por la oposición, el presidente de Paquistán, Pervez Musharraf, anunció el pasado lunes su renuncia para evitar un juicio político.Después de derrocar al primer ministro Nawaz Sharif en octubre de 1999, Musharraf comenzó su presidencia con el apoyo de un público harto de una década de gobierno civil débil y corrupto.Estuvo nueve años frente a un gobierno cuya legitimidad democrática fue fuertemente cuestionada y, a pesar de eso, se convirtió en uno de los más férreos aliados de Estados Unidos en la "guerra contra el terrorismo". Varios medios informan al respecto:"New York Times":"Musharraf Announces His Resignation":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/19/world/asia/19pstan.html?ref=world"Musharraf Walked a Tightrope":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/19/world/asia/19assess.html?ref=world"Time":"Why Musharraf Failed":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1833820,00.html"Time" presenta página con fotografías: "The Rise and Fall of Pervez Musharraf":http://www.time.com/time/photogallery/0,29307,1833621_1752568,00.html"CNN":"Musharraf's resignation accepted":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/08/18/musharraf.address/index.html"Coalition charts Pakistan's future":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/08/19/pakistan.nextstep/index.html"Pakistan hospital bomb kills 23":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/08/19/pakistan.blast/index.html"La Nación":"La renuncia de Musharraf: Un arma de doble filo":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1041155"La India teme una escalada de terror en Cachemira: Advierten sobre un vacío de poder":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1041048"Musharraf dejó el poder en Paquistán: El mandatario, uno de los principales aliados de Bush, presentó la renuncia para evitar un juicio político; dudas sobre su sucesor":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1041046"Para EE.UU. un aliado crucial pero incómodo":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1041047"Times":"Pakistani coalition in crucial stability talks after Pervez Musharraf's resignation":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/asia/article4563675.ece"Pervez Musharraf resigns as Pakistani President":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/asia/article4555777.ece"After nine years in a dangerous job, where can Pervez Musharraf hide now?":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/asia/article4561318.ece"Pervez Musharraf's speech: the key extracts. Key quotes from the emotional resignation speech of Pervez Musharraf, the former president and ally of the West":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/asia/article4556726.ece"Q&A: what next for Pervez Musharraf and Pakistan?":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/asia/article4556746.ece"El Mercurio":"Pakistán es el principal socio de Washington en esa región: Renuncia de Musharraf hace tambalear alianza con EE.UU.":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/08/19/internacional/internacional/noticias/A240D029-C057-4C2C-980D-518E43347867.htm?id={A240D029-C057-4C2C-980D-518E43347867}"Inestabilidad en Pakistán, aliado clave de EE.UU. contra el terrorismo: Tras caída de Musharraf, gobierno entra en crisis por disputa interna":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/08/20/internacional/internacional/noticias/7213839A-DFCD-4055-ADA1-E8424AF85CF5.htm?id={7213839A-DFCD-4055-ADA1-E8424AF85CF5"The Economist":"Exit Musharraf: Pakistan's president, Pervez Musharraf, jumps before he is pushed":http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displayStory.cfm?story_id=11950470&source=features_box2"Time's up, Mr Musharraf : Enemies of Pakistan's president smell blood":http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11921205"Miami Herald":"Week ahead may be key for Musharraf: President Pervez Musharraf and the Pakistan government are headed for a decisive showdown this week.":http://www.miamiherald.com/news/world/story/646219.html"Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf resigns":http://www.miamiherald.com/news/world/story/646341.html"Pakistan upheaval clouds future for U.S.: Pervez Musharraf bid a tearful farewell as Pakistan's president as the future of the country and its role as an ally in the U.S. war against terrorism remains unclear.":http://www.miamiherald.com/news/world/story/647478.html"El País" de Madrid:"Musharraf deja el poder en Pakistán: El presidente intenta evitar el procesamiento impulsado por sus rivales políticos - La renuncia abre la transición en un país con bombas atómicas y muy inestable":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Musharraf/deja/poder/Pakistan/elpepuint/20080819elpepiint_1/Tes"El brazo ejecutor de Bush: Los paquistaníes dieron la espalda hace tiempo al hombre que se entregó de lleno a Washington en la lucha contra los grupos islámicos radicales":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/brazo/ejecutor/Bush/elpepuint/20080819elpepiint_3/Tes"El Gobierno indio teme una escalada de violencia en Cachemira: Nueva Delhi asegura que la marcha del general beneficiará a los radicales":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Gobierno/indio/teme/escalada/violencia/Cachemira/elpepuint/20080819elpepiint_2/TesAMERICA LATINA"El País" de Madrid informa: "Chávez expropia la filial de la cementera mexicana Cemex: El Gobierno venezolano nacionaliza también a las empresas Holcim y Lafarge":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/economia/Chavez/expropia/filial/cementera/mexicana/Cemex/elpepueco/20080819elpepueco_1/Tes"El Universal" publica: "Reeditan jóvenes cubanos invasión de 1958 por 50 años de revolución: Jóvenes estudiantes, combatientes y trabajadores conformarán dos columnas como las que dirigieron los comandantes Ernesto Che Guevara y Camilo Cienfuegos":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/531209.html"The Economist" analiza: "Evo's big win: A recall referendum strengthens the socialist president, but fails to knock out his opponents in a still-divided country": http://www.economist.com/world/americas/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11920813"El Mercurio" anuncia: "Evo refuerza guarnición militar de Santa Cruz":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/08/19/internacional/internacional/noticias/96536F05-B06D-4101-9614-B4F693AF3951.htm?id={96536F05-B06D-4101-9614-B4F693AF3951}"CNN" publica: "Argentina grants gay couples partner pensions":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/08/19/argentina.gay/index.html"El Mercurio" de Chile anuncia: "Agrarios vuelven a las rutas y amenazan con un nuevo paro": http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/08/19/internacional/internacional/noticias/7E786FA3-0DF3-45D1-A873-B96F2707386C.htm?id={7E786FA3-0DF3-45D1-A873-B96F2707386C} "El Universal" de México analiza: "Suspenden temporalmente construcción del 'muro virtual'. La instalación de varias torres de vigilancia en la frontera entre EU y México no recibió los permisos necesarios por parte del Departamento del Interior": http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/531231.html"El Mercurio" de Chile informa: "Presidente de Paraguay inicia gestión de gobierno: Lugo firma cien decretos y se enfoca en problemas sociales":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/08/19/internacional/_portada/noticias/7E7DA240-2CB7-4F0D-8266-920F93222AEB.htm?id={7E7DA240-2CB7-4F0D-8266-920F93222AEB}"The Economist" publica: "Peru: Lessons from an earthquake": http://www.economist.com/world/americas/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11920805"La Nación" publica informe de Andrés Oppenheimer: "La concentración de riqueza en la región":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1041051ESTADOS UNIDOS / CANADA"New York Times" informa: "Export Boom Helps Farms, but Not American Factories":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/18/business/economy/18export.html?_r=1&ref=business&oref=slogin"El País" de Madrid publica: "Obama entra en la hora de la verdad: El aspirante demócrata se ve presionado para concretar su oferta de cambio - La campaña se convierte en un referéndum sobre su aptitud para gobernar": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Obama/entra/hora/verdad/elpepuint/20080818elpepiint_1/Tes"Time" anuncia: "Obama Sharpens the Message":http://www.time.com/time/politics/article/0,8599,1833849,00.html"Time" informa: "McCain and Obama on Abortion":http://www.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,1833496,00.html"El Mercurio" de Chile analiza: "Obama crea consejo para latinos en búsqueda de votantes":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/08/19/internacional/_portada/noticias/A842100D-7376-4358-96E1-CD719EF5321F.htm?id={A842100D-7376-4358-96E1-CD719EF5321F}"Time" publica sitio con links a artículos sobre elecciones estadounidenses:http://thepage.time.com/"The Economist" analiza: "Technology and the campaigns: "Flickring here, twittering there":http://www.economist.com/world/unitedstates/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11920873EUROPAContinua conflicto entre Rusia y Georgia, varios medios informan al respecto: "El País" de Madrid:"Rice: "Rusia está jugando un juego muy peligroso".EE UU pretende que la OTAN reafirme hoy en una reunión extraordinaria en Bruselas su apoyo a Georgia": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Rice/Rusia/jugando/juego/peligroso/elpepuint/20080819elpepuint_5/Tes"El Kremlin incumple su compromiso de retirar las tropas. Los blindados rusos permanecen apostados a 40 kilómetros de Tbilisi":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Kremlin/incumple/compromiso/retirar/tropas/elpepiint/20080819elpepiint_9/Tes"La retirada que no llega. Georgia sigue denunciando que los rusos se resisten a abandonar el país.- Moscú sostiene que el repliegue llevará días.- Rusos y georgianos intercambian prisioneros":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/retirada/llega/elpepuint/20080819elpepuint_7/Tes"Moscú advierte que aplastará a todo el que ataque a ciudadanos rusos. "El crimen de Tbilisi no quedará impune", dice el presidente Medvédev - Rusia despliega misiles en Osetia del Sur, según el espionaje de EE UU": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Moscu/advierte/aplastara/todo/ataque/ciudadanos/rusos/elpepuint/20080819elpepiint_8/Tes"CNN":"NATO officials meet over Russia-Georgia crisis":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/08/19/georgia.russia.war/index.html"La Nación": "Rusia advierte que necesita más tiempo para retirar sus tropas: Dijo que necesita otros dos días para el repliegue en Georgia; se realizó un canje de prisioneros entre ambos países":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1041163"Rusia refuerza su despliegue militar en Osetia del Norte. La OTAN analizará hoy una respuesta":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1041087"El Tiempo" de Colombia:"La Otan endurece su postura y revisará sus relaciones con Moscú":http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/home/la-otan-endurece-su-postura-y-revisara-sus-relaciones-con-moscu_4455099-1"Times":"Cross us and we will crush you, warns Medvedev":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article4557369.ece"La France "très déçue" par l'absence de retrait russe":http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2008/08/19/l-otan-durcit-le-ton-face-a-la-russie_1085355_3214.html#ens_id=1036786"Time":"Wounded NATO Grapples with Russia":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1833830,00.html"The Economist":"NATO and Russia: No more business as usual?. NATO foreign ministers issue a warning to Russia, telling it to withdraw troops from Georgia":http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displayStory.cfm?story_id=11955660&source=features_box_main"The week ahead: Seeking an end to the conflict in Georgia, and other news":http://www.economist.com/world/international/displayStory.cfm?story_id=11922405&source=features_box_main"El Mercurio" de Chile:"Conflicto en el Cáucaso: Rusia rechaza la propuesta de resolución francesa en el Consejo de Seguridad de ONU":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/08/20/internacional/_portada/noticias/F8364AC9-CEC5-4076-97BC-425406510D93.htm?id={F8364AC9-CEC5-4076-97BC-425406510D93}"Miami Herald":"NATO yet to enforce Russian withdrawal. An emergency meeting of NATO failed to come up with decisive action over Russia's continued occupation of Georgia.":http://www.miamiherald.com/news/world/story/649058.html"El Universal" de México:"Califica Rusia de 'inadmisible' declaración de la OTANPara el embajador ruso ante el organismo fue lamentable que las declaraciones de los aliados contra las acciones militares en Georgia fueran mal vistas":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/531238.html"El País" de Madrid informa: "El terrorista más joven arrestado en el Reino Unido es declarado culpable: Hammaad Munshi, de 18 años, tenía 16 años cuando ingresó en prisión, acusado de un delito de terrorismo":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/terrorista/joven/arrestado/Reino/Unido/declarado/culpable/elpepuint/20080818elpepuint_9/Tes"El Mercurio" anuncia: "Diez soldados murieron en Afganistán: Sarkozy llega a Kabul tras ataque a tropas francesas":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/08/20/internacional/internacional/noticias/FC48E401-28D9-4629-94AD-6F53B246A964.htm?id={FC48E401-28D9-4629-94AD-6F53B246A964"El País" publica: "Francia propone un "respuesta coordinada" de la UE para salir de la crisis económica. Nicolas Sarkozy lanzará un plan en la reunión de los titulares de Finanzas de la UE del 11 al 13 de septiembre en Niza.- El PIB de la Eurozona retrocedió un 0,2% en el segundo trimestre.- El de Francia, cayó por primera vez en seis años":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/economia/Francia/propone/respuesta/coordinada/UE/salir/crisis/economica/elpepuint/20080818elpepueco_6/TesAsia – Pacífico /Medio OrieNTE"El País" de Madrid informa: "Mueren 10 soldados franceses en una emboscada en Afganistán. Seis talibanes suicidas mueren en un ataque a una base estadounidense en Afganistán":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Mueren/soldados/franceses/emboscada/Afganistan/elpepuint/20080819elpepuint_6/Tes"Times" anuncia: "Ten French soldiers killed in Taleban ambush":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/asia/article4564729.ece"CNN" publica: "10 French soldiers killed in Afghan fighting":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/08/19/afghan.attack/index.html"El País" de Madrid informa: "Sueños rotos: El abandono de Liu es un drama nacional porque el atleta representa el ascenso chino": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/deportes/Suenos/rotos/elpepidep/20080819elpepidep_6/Tes"La Nación" publica: "El terrorismo islámico amenaza a China: Grupos musulmanes separatistas lanzaron una ola de atentados para atraer la atención mundial":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1041049"The Economist" analiza: "Beijing's economy: Going for gold. The Olympics have not brought Beijing's businesses the boom they hoped for":http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11920899"Le Monde" informa: "Le Hezbollah amorce un rapprochement avec les salafistes sunnites au Liban":http://www.lemonde.fr/proche-orient/article/2008/08/19/le-hezbollah-amorce-un-rapprochement-avec-les-salafistes-sunnites-au-liban_1085407_3218.html"Time" publica: "Thailand, Cambodia Begin Talks":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1833857,00.htmlAFRICA"Al menos 43 muertos en un atentado suicida contra una escuela de la Gendarmería en Argelia. Un terrorista se ha inmolado entre los aspirantes a reclutas en una academia policial de Issers, a 55 kilómetros de Argel.- Hay numerosas personas heridas":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/43/muertos/atentado/suicida/escuela/gendarmeria/Argelia/elpepuint/20080819elpepuint_8/Tes"CNN" publica: "43 dead in Algerian suicide bombing":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/08/19/algeria.bombing/index.html"Times" informa: "Islamist bombing kills 43 in Algeria 'bloodbath'":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/africa/article4565997.ece"Le Monde" anuncia: "43 morts dans un attentat-suicide en Kabylie":http://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2008/08/19/43-morts-dans-un-attentat-suicide-en-kabylie_1085371_3212.html"CNN" informa: "Zimbabwe inflation hits 11,200,000 percent":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/BUSINESS/08/19/zimbabwe.inflation/index.html"CNN" publica: "Nigeria cedes disputed peninsula to Cameroon":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/08/14/nigeria.cameroon.ap/index.html "The Economist" analiza: "Uganda: Drums of war across the borders. Since peace talks with Uganda's rebels collapsed, some say war must resume": http://www.economist.com/world/mideast-africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11921621ECONOMIA"The Economist" publica su informe semanal: "Business this week":http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11922152"New York Times" publica: "Wall Street Pulls Back as Financials Fall":http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/business/AP-Wall-Street.html?ref=business"CNN" informa: "Oil prices still sliding as storm fears ease":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/BUSINESS/08/19/oil.prices.ap/index.html"CNN" anuncia: "The next wave of mortgage defaults: More borrowers with good credit are defaulting on their home loans, and that's going to make it even harder for the staggering housing market to recover.":http://money.cnn.com/2008/08/12/real_estate/prime_defaults_price_drops/index.htm?postversion=2008081616"The Economist" analiza: "Airlines: Still a bumpy ride. Falling oil prices have lifted airlines' share prices. Is the crisis over?":http://www.economist.com/business/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11920681OTRAS NOTICIAS"El País" de Madrid informa: "La ONU pide 40 millones de euros para asistir a las víctimas de la guerra en el Cáucaso: Los fondos serán destinados a nueve agencias del organismo y 16 ONG":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/ONU/pide/millones/euros/asistir/victimas/guerra/Caucaso/elpepuint/20080819elpepuint_2/Tes"CNN" publica: "Hurricane warnings dropped after Fay makes landfall":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/US/weather/08/19/fay/index.html"El Tiempo" de Colombia anuncia: "Fortalecida tormenta tropical 'Fay' causa destrozos e inundaciones en Florida":http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/euycanada/home/fortalecida-tormenta-tropical-fay-causa-destrozos-e-inundaciones-en-florida-_4456556-1"El País" de Madrid informa: "Fay llega a Florida y amenaza con fortalecerse: La tormenta tropical viene acompañada de fuertes lluvias y vientos - Su paso por Cuba no ha causado víctimas ni destrozos": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Fay/llega/Florida/amenaza/fortalecerse/elpepuint/20080819elpepuint_1/Tes "The Economist" analiza: "Globalisation and health care: Operating profit . Why put up with expensive, run-of-the-mill health care at home when you can be treated just as well abroad?":http://www.economist.com/business/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11919622

Until recently, child development was accepted as the perspective through which children were understood and socialization the primary way in which sociologists thought about children. An increasing number of scholars now view childhood as socially constructed and children as actors in their own social worlds rather than simply as incomplete persons who are in the process of becoming adults. Courses using this perspective explore social constructions of childhood held by adults and embodied in institutions through time and across places, and how biology, gender, social class, and social location affect the everyday lives of children in families, schools, and other social contexts.Author recommendsJohnson, Heather Beth 2001. 'From the Chicago School to the New Sociology of Children: The Sociology of Children and Childhood in the United States, 1900–1999.'Advances in Life Course Research (Children in the Millennium: Where Have We Come From, Where Are We Going?) 6: 53–93.This article reviews the place of children in sociological research during the 20th century. Children were of interest as objects of socialization and when they engaged in deviant behavior, although they were largely ignored as unworthy of serious sociological attention until the last two decades of the century. Debates among recent scholars about what stance should be taken toward children in the 'new' sociology of childhood are outlined.Waksler, Frances Chaput (Ed.) 1991. Studying the Social Worlds of Children: Sociological Readings New York, NY: Falmer Press.In this classic collection, including several chapters by the editor, Waksler pulled together articles that provides evidence that sociologists' underestimate the capacity of children to make sense of their worlds and to act on them. Both theoretical statements and empirical research are included, as is a chapter that is the precursor to Waksler's book, The Hard Times of Childhood and Children's Strategies for Dealing with Them (1996, New York, NY: Falmer Press).Small, Meredith F. 2001. Kids: How Biology and Culture Shape the Way We Raise Our Children. New York, NY: Doubleday.Small, an anthropologist intrigued with 'ethnopediatrics', brings together scientific research on the capacities of infants and children and evidence of the way childhood is organized in various societies.Zelizer, Viviana A. 1985. Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing Social Value of Children. New York, NY: Basic Books.This classic work in economic sociology provides a wealth of detail about how children's lives in the USA were affected by their changing value/social construction, especially in the early 20th century. Many current institutions and beliefs, which are now taken for granted, were developed during this period, for better or worse.Lareau, Annette 2003. Unequal Childhoods: Class, Race, and Family Life. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.Findings from Lareau's extensive, ethnographic research on differences between the everyday family lives of middle‐class and working‐class children are reported in this book. The results of her analysis make clear that adults' social constructions of children shape the experience of childhood and that even within one society there can be systematic variation in the social construction of children that results in marked differences in children's everyday lives.Corsaro, William A. 2005. The Sociology of Childhood, 2nd edn. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press.Corsaro has been conducting ethnographic research with preschool children in various forms of care and reporting on it for more than 25 years. His textbook focuses primarily on preschool children and how they interact with one another to form their own peer cultures. The book includes many episodes of interaction among children that ground his arguments.Adler, Patricia and Peter Adler 1998. Peer Power: Preadolescent Culture and Identity. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.This book presents findings from the Adlers' study of peer culture among elementary school‐aged children in a Colorado community. The importance of friendship and popularity to the children is examined, particularly in school, as well as the significance for children of extracurricular activities.Mayall, Berry 2002. Towards a Sociology for Childhood: Thinking from Children's Lives. Philadelphia, PA: Open University Press.Mayall brings together data from the four research projects she conducted with colleagues in Great Britain in the 1990s to write an overview of what she learned about doing research with children and from listening to their points of view. The book includes children's assessments of their lives and relationships.Lee, Nick 2001. Childhood and Society: Growing up in an Age of Uncertainty. Philadelphia, PA: Open University Press.Lee focuses on childhood as an institution in the late 20th century and explores the ambiguity of contrasting the social construction of adults as 'human beings' with the social construction of children as 'human becomings'. His perspective is both macro and global and includes information about how decisions made by such institutions as the United Nations and the World Bank affect children in various countries.Online materials http://www.childtrends.org/ Child Trends is a nonprofit, nonpartisan research organization that collects and analyzes data; conducts, synthesizes, and disseminates research; designs and evaluates programs; and develops and tests promising approaches to research in the field. For researchers and educators, this Web site includes a link to research that provides the latest data and information for developing, evaluating, and guiding effective programs and research relevant to the overall health and well‐being of children and youth (http://www.childtrendsdatabank.org/) and includes key indicators of child well‐being. http://www.aecf.org/MajorInitiatives/KIDSCOUNT.aspx Kids Count is a national and state‐by‐state effort to track the status of children in the USA by providing policy‐makers and citizens with benchmarks of child well‐being. The Social Science Data Analysis Network (SSDAN) is working with professors to introduce Kids Count data into social science courses through course modules, exercises, and access to other data available on their Web site (http://www.ssdan.net/kidscount/). http://www.hull.ac.uk/children5to16programme/intro.htm The Economic and Social Research Council Research Programme on Children 5–16: Growing into the 21st century, under the direction of Alan Prout from 1995–2000, funded 22 different research projects that examined children's lives by treating children as social actors. The Web site includes a description of the programme, research findings, and an extensive bibliography. http://www.childstats.gov/ The Federal Interagency Forum on Child and Family Statistics is a working group of federal agencies that collects, analyzes, and reports data on issues related to children and families. The forum's annual report, America's Children: Key National Indicators of Well‐Being, provides a summary of national indicators of child well‐being and monitors changes in these indicators over time. http://www.unicef.org/ The UNICEF Web site focuses on the well‐being of children in countries around the world, particularly on their health and their mothers' ability to provide for them.Sample syllabus Course Outline and Reading Assignments 1 Recognizing the capacities of newborn children Meredith F. Small, Chapter 1, Kids' World, and Chapter 2, The Evolution of Childhood, in Kids: How Biology and Culture Shape the Way We Raise Our Kids. 2 Social construction of childhood in different times and places a Children's place in the past Coldrey, Barry M. 1999. '"... a Place to Which Idle Vagrants May Be Sent": The First Phase of Child Migration during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries.'Childhood and Society 13: 32–47.deMause, Lloyd 1974. 'Infanticide and the Death Wishes toward Children;''Abandonment, Nursing, and Swaddling.' Pp. 25–39 in The History of Childhood. New York, NY: Harper and Row. b Children's place in other societies Schildkrout, Enid 2002 [1978]. 'Age and Gender in Hausa Society: Socio‐Economic Roles of Children in Urban Kano.'Childhood 9 (3): 344–68. c Changing value of children in American society in the 20th century Zelizer, Viviana 1985. Selected chapters from Pricing the Priceless Child. d Children's place in American society in the 21st century Zelizer, Viviana 2002. 'Kids and Commerce.'Childhood 9 (4): 375–96.Cook, Daniel Thomas 2000. 'Childhood is Killing "Our" Children: Some Thoughts on the Columbine High School Shootings and the Agentive Child.'Childhood 7: 107–17. 3 The 'new' sociology of childhood: Agency and competence Waksler, Frances Chaput 1986. 'Studying Children: Phenomenological Insights.'Human Studies 9 (1): 71–82.Alanen, Leena 1988. 'Rethinking Childhood.'Acta Sociologica 31 (1): 53– 67.Matthews, Sarah H, 2007. 'A Window on the "New" Sociology of Childhood.' Sociology Compass: http://www.blackwell‐compass.com/subject/sociology/section_home?section=soco‐social‐psychology (doi: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00001.x) 4 Collecting data from and about children Christensen, Pia Haudrup 2004. 'Children's Participation in Ethnographic Research: Issues of Power and Representation.'Children and Society 18: 165–76.Davis, John M. 1998. 'Understanding the Meanings of Children: A Reflexive Process.'Childhood and Society 12: 325–35. 5 Inside the black box of early childhood socialization Clawson, Dan and Naomi Gerstel 2002. 'Caring for our Young: Child Care in Europe and the United States.'Contexts 1 (4): 28–35.Corsaro, William 1979. '"We're Friends, Right?" Children's Use of Access Rituals in a Nursery School.'Language in Society 8: 315–36.Corsaro, William and L. Molinari 1990. 'From seggiolini to discussione: The Generation and Extension of Peer Culture among Italian Preschool Children.'International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education 3: 213–30. 6 Children's participation in everyday life a FamilyLareau, Annette 2002. 'Invisible Inequality: Social Class and Childrearing in Black and White Families.'American Sociological Review 67: 747–76.Dodson, Lisa and Jillian Dickert 2004. 'Girls' Family Labor in Low‐Income Households: A Decade of Qualitative Research.'Journal of Marriage and Family 66: 318–32.Nettleton, Sarah 2001. 'Losing a Home through Mortgage Repossession: The Views of Children.'Children and Society 15: 82–94. b School Sherman, Ann 1997. 'Five‐year‐olds' Perceptions of Why We Go to School.'Childhood and Society 11: 117–27.Adler, Patricia A., Steven J. Kless, and Peter Adler 1992. 'Socialization to Gender Roles: Popularity among Elementary School Boys and Girls.'Sociology of Education 65: 169–87.Adler, Patricia A. and Peter Adler 1995. 'Dynamics of Inclusion and Exclusion in Preadolescent Cliques.'Social Psychology Quarterly 58 (3): 145–62. c 'Free' time Lareau, Annette 2000. 'Social Class and the Daily Lives of Children: A Study from the United States.'Childhood 7 (2): 155–71.Rasmussen, Kim 2004 'Places for Children – Children's Places.'Childhood 2004: 155–73. 7 Children's rights/parental rights Smith, Anne B. and Nicola J. Taylor 2003. 'Rethinking Children's Involvement in Decision‐Making After Parental Separation.'Childhood 10 (2): 201–16.Van Krieken, Robert 1999. 'The "Stolen Generations" and Cultural Genocide: The Forced Removal of Australian Indigenous Children form Their Families and Its Implications for the Sociology of Childhood.'Childhood 6 (3): 297–311. 8 Current global issues a UN rights of the child Jans, Marc 2004. 'Children as Citizens: Towards a Contemporary Notion of Child Participation.'Childhood 11 (1): 27–44.Roche, Jeremy 1999. 'Children: Rights, Participation and Citizenship.'Childhood 6 (4): 475–93. b Children's place in the 21st century Penn, Helen 2002. 'The World Bank's View of Early Childhood.'Childhood 9 (1): 118–32.Bey, Marguerite 2003. 'The Mexican Child: From Work with the Family to Paid Employment.'Childhood 10 (3): 287–99.Aptekar, Lewis and Behailu Abebe 1997. 'Conflict in the Neighborhood: Street and Working Children in the Public Space.'Childhood 4: 477–90.Films and videosA Baby's World A Whole New World (ages newborn to 1 year)  The Language of Being (ages 1–2 years)  Reason and Relationships (ages 2–3 years)This series of videos, each approximately 1‐hour in length, summarizes and illustrates evidence of the remarkable and often misinterpreted capacities of infants and toddlers.The Orphan TrainsThis video is a good companion to Viviana Zelizer's book Pricing the Priceless Child. In addition to depicting conditions for some urban children in US cities in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, interviews in old age with the last children who were shipped West in the 1920s highlight the vulnerability of children in societies that are unprepared to take responsibility for them when their parents are unable to provide care.Michael Apted's 7 Up through 49 UpThis documentary film series, which began in 1964 with 14 7‐year‐olds whom Apted has since revisited every 7 years to produce a new film, raises questions about the relationship between childhood and adulthood.Project ideas1. This assignment is intended to make students aware of the presence (or absence) of children in their daily rounds – when, where and under what conditions they share space with children.Choose two days on which your daily schedule is different (e.g., a weekday and a weekend day) and record every instance in which you come in contact with children. Do not go out of your way to encounter children. Just go about your daily rounds. Record the time, place (including who is present if it is not obvious), age of children, your relationship to the children, and what you and the children are doing. Include children whom you know well, children with whom you are acquainted, and children who are strangers. Concentrate especially on the last category because it is the one that you probably attend to least in your daily rounds. Also be sure to indicate what your role in each setting is. Once you have collected these data, write a summary of your contact with children in your daily life. What children do you encounter, how often, under what conditions? What is your relationship to the children in your life?2. This assignment is intended to explore how children are constrained by adult rules and power.Observe children in an 'adult' setting and identify adults' rules for children in that setting. Justify the choice of setting as 'adult', e.g., children are not 'supposed' to be there (a bar/pub), children are a disturbance (an exclusive expensive restaurant). Consider both adults' rules for children's behavior in the setting and children's options and resources. Address the questions: Where do children fit in adult worlds? What roles are they expected to play?3. This assignment is used in conjunction with Annette Lareau's work on differences in the way working and middle class children are treated by adults.Students choose two school districts whose borders correspond to a community and that have widely different percentages of children who passed the fourth‐grade proficiency test in a specified year. In Ohio, this information is available on the website of the Department of Education. Students then retrieve demographic data from the Web site of the US Census about the two school districts/communities, including but not limited to:

Proportion of School Age Children = Percentage of population age 5–17
Community Stability = Percent of rental occupied housing units
Community Education Level = Percentage of population aged 25 and over with Bachelor's Degree or higher
Community Income Level = Median family income
Poverty Level = Percent of families below poverty level

In a paper, students summarize and interpret the findings. In addition, put the data from all the districts/communities into one table with the percentages of students who passed the exam in the first column in descending order.

The World Development Report 2011 on conflict, security and development will look at conflict as a challenge to economic development. It will analyze the nature, causes and development consequences of modern violence and highlight lessons learned from efforts to prevent or recover from violence. Between two thirds and three quarters of the children without access to school, infants dying and mothers dying in childbirth in the developing world live in countries at risk or, affected by or recently recovering from violence. There are strong links between local conflicts, national conflict, organi

ResumenEn este artículo examino la gratitud y la ingratitud como herramientas analíticas valiosas para determinar cómo las desigualdades sociales le dan forma a las prácticas de parentesco. Acusar a un pariente de ingratitud revela los límites y las líneas de falla del parentesco, así como también expectativas estrechamente relacionadas sobre qué debe ser dado, cómo debe ser dado y cómo debe ser recibido. Como tal, este ensayo sigue la línea de una valiosa tradición antropológica de unificar los análisis del don y del parentesco. Argumento que expresiones de y discursos sobre la gratitud y la ingratitud remiten muy de cerca a dimensiones de relaciones sociales tales como el género, la generación y la clase social, y simultáneamente revelan tensiones dentro de las relaciones de parentesco donde el deber y la obligación son cuestionados. Los ejemplos etnográficos son tomados del trabajo de campo en Ayacucho, una pequeña ciudad en los Andes peruanos, donde la crianza adoptiva informal y las relaciones tensas entre hijos adultos y sus padres ancianos suministran dos esferas relacionadas de expresiones de ideas acerca de la gratitud y la ingratitud. Analizando estos dos ejemplos, argumento que la gratitud y la ingratitud son heurísticas analíticas, útiles para identificar y centrarse sobre dimensiones de relaciones que, según se entiende, caen dentro del dominio del parentesco, y son potencialmente útiles también en otros escenarios.Palabras clave: Parentesco, crianza, niñez, el don, Perú. Abstract. Towards an Anthropology of Ingratitude: Notes from Andean KinshipAccusations of ingratitude to kin reveal much about the edges and fault lines of kinship that would otherwise not be apparent. But equally, they reveal much that is unexpected about the gift – about expectations of what should be given and how it should be received. In this article, I bring together anthropological literature on the gift and on kinship in order to argue that expressions of gratitude or ingratitude index dimensions of social relations such as gender, generation, and social class, and simultaneously reveal tensions within kinship relations where duty and obligation are contested. Examples are drawn from fieldwork where informal fostering and the fraught relations between grown children and their aging parents provide arenas for analysis of expressions of gratitude and ingratitude. Analyzing these examples, I argue for gratitude as an analytical heuristic, useful to identify and focus upon dimensions of relations understood to fall within the domain of kinship, and potentially useful in other settings as well.Key words: fostering, childhood, the gift, the Andes. Referencias Alberti, Giorgio y Enrique Mayer (1974). Reciprocidad andina: Ayer y hoy. En G. Alberti y E. Mayer, eds., Reciprocidad e intercambio en los Andes peruanos. Lima, Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 13–37. Anderson, Jeanine (2010). Incommensurable Worlds of Practice and Value: A View from the Shantytowns of Lima. En P. Gootenberg y L. Reygadas, eds., Indelible Inequalities in Latin America: Insights from History, Politics, and Culture. Durham, Duke University Press, 81–105. Appadurai, Arjun (1985). "Gratitude as a Social Mode in South India", Ethos 13, 3: 236–45. Arnold, Denise, ed. (1997). Gente de carne y hueso: Las tramas de parentesco en los Andes. La Paz, CIASE/ILCA. Bolin, Inge (2018) [2006]. Creciendo en una cultura de respeto. La crianza de los niños en la sierra peruana. Lima, Universidad de Ciencias y Humanidades. Bolton, Ralph y Enrique Mayer, eds. (1977). Andean Kinship and Marriage. Washington, D.C., American Anthropological Association. Borneman, John (1997). 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