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For much of the last twenty years, China's ties with Saudi Arabia have been understood in commercial terms, with most scholars arguing that the relationship has little cultural or historical depth. Drawing on multiple trips to China between 2011 and 2015 along with a ten-month period living continuously in Saudi Arabia in 2013 and 2014, this paper argues that there are factors other than economics that should be considered: namely, historical ties dating back to the seventh century, Saudi cultural and geo-strategic linkages to the United States, and the new economic and political geography of Eurasia. While cultural and strategic factors have limited the growth of Saudi-Sino ties since the start of the Arab Spring, they are likely to be the factors that allow for the two sides to realize the potential of their bilateral relationship in the future—even while retaining their close current alliances with other great powers.

Introduction -- An opening letter from Natsnet : why i want to tell my story -- Growing up in war-torn Eritrea -- National service, Natsnet, and her decision to go to Saudi-Arabia -- Life for Natsnet in Saudi-Arabia -- The vacation, Orange City, and Natsnet's "great escape" -- Years of doubt, disappointment, & disillusionment -- "We must control the borders" : a kaleidoscope of images -- Anthropological and political perspectives of American asylum system -- Victory at last -- A new life awaits Natsnet's future

The employment situation in Saudi Arabia and the dynamics of the labor market are the results of a series of decisions to grow the economy fast after the discovery of oil. Since the locals were not equipped and prepared with the required knowledge and expertise, to build up the nascent economy at rapid speed during that phase, there was a massive inflow of expatriates. The current research highlights the changing labor market in Saudi Arabia, unemployment among locals, remedial policies framed by the government, their drawbacks, and effect on the overall economy. The key antecedents are the preference of Saudi youth for the Public sector, unemployment, the role of the Education System, the private sector, the Nitaqat (job localization) system and expatriate factor. Finally, I propose a viable human capital development model that suggests a collaborative role for expatriates and employability enhancement programs for sustainable economic and social development.

This article reports on a unique, first-of-its-kind national survey, which is investigating people's motivations for participating in the non-profit sector, challenges to professionalisation and perceptions of impact. Using the participants in an annual non-profit conference in Dhahran in the Kingdom of Saudia Arabia (KSA) as a sample, this survey seeks to understand the key fundamentals of how they learn about leadership, how their practice is impacted and what they see as their impact. The aim of the article is to understand the most important factors that determine and shape leadership development among Saudi non-profit professionals. The study of leadership in this context is seen in the broader context of the 'professionalisation' of the Saudi non-profit sector. The lessons from this survey can impact how future professional development programmes are designed, delivered and followed up. The survey can also be a good baseline for future studies of the non-profit sector in KSA.

Abstract
Using a case study method, we examine how practitioners, including judges, arbitrators and community mediators, view dispute resolution in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA). The goal of this study is to assess whether traditional approaches to dispute resolution coexist with or are discarded for imported modes. Participants were selected through convenience sampling. Structured interviews involved (a) participants' general theoretical foundations, (b) key principles that govern their professional role, (c) their views of different roles, and (d) the extent to which traditional modi operandi persist. The results highlight the dominance of principles and practices of Sharia law over common law. Although the use of formal Western procedures was reported in commercial disputes and rarely in family and tribal matters, implementation was undeniably shaped by religious and kin-based social habits and values.

Background: Primary dysmenorrhea is the most common gynecological complaint among female adolescents. This condition can cause significant disruptions in the quality of life and daily activities of students. In Jeddah, no current studies have explored the misuse of over-the-counter medications to manage dysmenorrhea among female students in secondary schools. Subjects and Methods: In this cross-sectional study, 400 governmental secondary school female students in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, were interviewed from October 2018 to February 2019 using interviewer-administered questionnaire. Descriptive and analytical statistics were used to describe and assess the association between variables. Main Results: Results revealed that 84.5% of students had dysmenorrhea whereas 56.3% of them had experienced ≥ 2 impacts, having the limited daily activity (9.4%) and emotional instability (6.5%) as the most common reported effects. More than two third (74.5%) of the students used non-pharmacological management as a primary option. Paracetamol (63.6%) and NSAIDs (19.1%) were the most commonly used medications to manage dysmenorrhea. Logistic regression showed that the level of activity was the main predictor of dysmenorrhea (OR= 7.69, P=0.0871). Conclusion and Recommendations: Overall, this study revealed that there was a high prevalence of dysmenorrhea, and there was inadequate level of awareness among students about the possible side effects associated with the use of over-the-counter medication, implying that students must be exposed to health care and educational program to improve their knowledge and proper handling practice of dysmenorrhea. Further studies and evidence-based findings are needed to validate the effectiveness of physical activity in managing the dysmenorrhea. Key Words: Dysmenorrhea, Prevalence, Impact, Management Practice, Menstrual problem, Medication

Can official Islamic institutions play a role to curb Sunni jihadi violence? Most Arab governments have granted a role to such institutions in recent years. Yet, the cases of Lebanon, Morocco and Saudi Arabia exhibit considerable differences: Sunni religious institutions in Lebanon are weak and only have a domestic role, and face difficulties fulfilling this role. The corresponding institutions in Morocco and in Saudi Arabia, however, are powerful and also perform foreign policy roles through religious diplomacy. Mainstream Muslim scholars want to be recognised as allies in the global struggle against jihadi violence; they have common interests with Western and Arab governments in combating jihadi violence. However, in the current climate of government control over official religious institutions, they lack the popular legitimacy needed to fight against violent jihadism. Religious institutions cannot be efficient when used as tools by authoritarian Arab governments. Political subjugation of religious clerics is a major reason for the fragmentation of the religious field and a driver of radicalisation.

Can official Islamic institutions play a role to curb Sunni jihadi violence? Most Arab governments have granted a role to such institutions in recent years. Yet, the cases of Lebanon, Morocco and Saudi Arabia exhibit considerable differences: Sunni religious institutions in Lebanon are weak and only have a domestic role, and face difficulties fulfilling this role. The corresponding institutions in Morocco and in Saudi Arabia, however, are powerful and also perform foreign policy roles through religious diplomacy. Mainstream Muslim scholars want to be recognised as allies in the global struggle against jihadi violence; they have common interests with Western and Arab governments in combating jihadi violence. However, in the current climate of government control over official religious institutions, they lack the popular legitimacy needed to fight against violent jihadism. Religious institutions cannot be efficient when used as tools by authoritarian Arab governments. Political subjugation of religious clerics is a major reason for the fragmentation of the religious field and a driver of radicalisation.

During long centuries Middle-East has been always called the place of international conflicts and disputes and Yemen crisis also appeared in a case which was not merely caused by domestic players' disputes rather with the presence of regional and trans-regional forces such as Saudi-Arabia, United Arab Emirates and some of regional and western countries it found new dimensions for itself. The aim of this study is the investigation of Yemen crisis and the effect of foreign players from the perspective of international law. The theoretical framework of present study is focused on legal legitimacy of Iran and Saudi Arabia's actions in the Yemen crisis from the perspective of humanitarian laws and the process of forming and aggravation of this conflict in which Iran and Saudi Arabia have a determinative role.

The Saudi Arabian Kingdom is currently undergoing significant socio-cultural changes, primarily driven by Vision 2030, a strategic document outlining the nation's future development. This initiative includes efforts to enhance sports participation and physical activity levels across various sectors of the country. This paper represents one of the first attempts to understand the effects of the Vision on domestic sports/physical activities policy through the lens of selected actors in the field. with a special interest in youth sports. Based on extensive fieldwork that took place within the country, including qualitative semi-structured interviews with stakeholders from various organisations within Saudi sports, we identify several key facets seen as crucial enablers or obstacles for the field of sports and physical activities. The individual facets form two main groups – activities of state authorities in Saudi Arabia, specifically the Ministry of Education and Ministry of Sports, and informal practices influenced by broader cultural changes oscillating between the traditional views and contemporary demands. Amongst the identified cultural facets, gender takes a crucial discursive position. As we examine these processes through the lens of concepts of soft power and rightful resistance, we identify formal and informal legitimation practices used by stakeholders to achieve and potentially surpass the goals set by Vision 2030 for the Kingdom's sporting landscape.