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As international organisations gain greater power to monitor and manage the domestic affairs of their member states, the relationship between state sovereignty and international intervention becomes increasingly fraught. This book examines international rule-making in the Global South, tracing how the status of state sovereignty has evolved since decolonization. Coe argues that regional organizations flout the former norm of non-interference, becoming involved in the domestic affairs of their member states in Africa, Latin America, and (to a much lesser extent) Southeast Asia. In the name of democracy, human rights, and security, regional organizations increasingly assume jurisdiction over once off-limits domestic matters: they monitor elections and human rights and they respond to intrastate crises with mediation, fact-finding and sanctions. Coe explores the effects of democratization and economic crisis on regional institutions to explain the uneven development of 'intrusive regionalism' across the postcolonial world.

En el este de Asia hay una vieja tradición de rechazo al opio, por razones religiosas y políticas, y que se concretó en prohibiciones, las cuales, según algunas fuentes, se remontan al siglo XIV, pero solo pue­ den datarse con certeza desde el siglo XVIII. Desde fines de ese último siglo, neerlandeses y británicos forzaron la apertura de mercados para el opio en el Sudeste Asiático y en China. El único país que permaneció al margen fue Japón. Sobre la base de estas experiencias, se propone la identificación de tres regímenes distintos de opio en la región: la legalización plena en el Sudeste Asiático, la legalización parcial en China y la prohibición en Japón. El artículo finaliza con algunas sugerencias acerca del influjo de estos tres modelos sobre el prohibicionismo global de las drogas en el siglo XX.

In 2019, the ASEAN Federation of Accountants proclaimed that small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) are the "backbone" of the regional economy, accounting for most businesses active in the region (Pratama 2019). Theirs is not an isolated claim: many other policymakers, industry advocates and commentators have made similar statements. ASEAN (2020) itself, for example, has stated that SMEs are "… an increasingly important force in ASEAN economic integration." It is an interesting rhetorical flourish, but is it supported by much data on the public record? Is Southeast Asia really full of small businesses, and if so, how many are there today? In this paper, public data on the number of such firms are examined and collated across the ten economies of the region. A number of trends apparent in the figures are also discussed, as are the shortfalls in data collections, and some suggestions are offered about how this can be improved in future.

Significant efforts to develop an independent journalism have stumbled badly in Central Asia, where politics, economics and the unforeseen consequence of widespread self-censorship have derailed development of a Western-style media and the democracy it serves. What is worse, from Kazakhstan to Uzbekistan, prospects for developing a believable, fact-based journalism look grim. Much of this trouble can be laid at the doorstep of self-censorship, which flourishes across the region with uncommon vigor. Central Asian journalism is in worse shape than the rest of the post-Communist world, largely because the socioeconomic and political situations in this relatively remote region remain in flux from a backwardness that modernity is only of late and slowly affecting. One of the most confounding elements that stymie the evolution of Central Asia journalism is a culture that drives the new post-Communist institutions and the mentalities of the region's sociopolitical, economic, and cultural elites. Consequently, those who endeavor to aid the evolution of Central Asian media should look to the history and culture of the region and then impart a more complete understanding of Western journalism's mission, values, roles, and sound news business practices before addressing journalistic techniques.

Introduction. 1. Administrative reforms and transformation in the public sector that shape talent management and leadership development in Southeast Asia 2. Talent management as a growing discipline in the public sector 3. Talent management and leadership development in Singapore 4. Talent management and leadership development in Malaysia 5. Talent management and leadership development in Thailand 6. Talent management and leadership development in Cambodia 7. Talent management and leadership development in Vietnam 8. Comparison of the talent management practices -- attraction, development and retention 9. Leadership development of senior public officials through transnational knowledge transfer 10. Assessing talent strategies within the context of inclusive-exclusive tension paradigm

An exploration of the roles that pro- and anti-government militias, private armed groups, vigilantes, and gangs play in local communities in the new democracies of Southeast Asia. Scholars have typically characterized irregular forces as spoilers and infiltrators in post-conflict peacebuilding processes. The contributors to this book challenge this conventional understanding of irregular forces in Southeast Asia, demonstrating that they often attract solid support from civilians and can be major contributors to the building of local security — a process by which local residents, in the absence of an effective police force, develop, partner or are at least included in the management of community crimes and other violence. They analyze irregular forces' dealings with political actors at the community level, explaining why and how forces are incorporated in and collaborate with legitimate institutions without using violence against them. Offering a new approach to dealing with irregular forces in Southeast Asia, contributors explore new theoretical frameworks that are better suited for evaluating irregular forces' relationship to different security providers and the political environments in the region. Specifically, they examine case studies from Indonesia, Timor-Leste, the Philippines, and Thailand. A valuable resource for researchers, students and practitioners in the areas of conflict resolution, peacebuilding, and security governance, especially those with a focus on Southeast Asia. This book will also be of great interest to scholars of the sociology and anthropology of the region.

An absence of alternatives : a new framework for understanding corruption -- Alternatives to corruption and the impact of market reform : the arguments and their theoretical implications -- Bribery, favoritism, and clientelism : evidence from Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan -- Market actors as an unrealized alternative : the impact of market reforms -- Islamic institutions and secular charities : obstacles to providing substitute resources -- Families : the uneven impact of market reforms -- Reducing corruption : policy recommendations -- Appendix : statistical analysis

This paper explores the extent to which changes to long-term interest rates in major advanced economies have influenced long-term government bond yields in Emerging Asia. To gauge long-term interest spillover effects, the paper uses VAR variance decompositions with high frequency data. Our results reveal that sovereign bond yields in Emerging Asia responded significantly to changes in US and Eurozone bond yields, although the magnitudes were heterogeneous across countries. The magnitude of spillovers varied over time. The pattern of these variations can partially be explained by the implementation of different unconventional monetary policy measures in advanced countries. ; In diesem Papier wird untersucht, inwieweit die Änderungen der langfristigen Zinsen in den großen fortgeschrittenen Volkswirtschaften die langfristigen Staatsanleiherenditen der asiatischen Schwellenländer beeinflussen. Um langfristige Zinsübertragungseffekte zu messen, verwendet das Papier VAR-Varianzzerlegungen mit Daten hoher Frequenz. Unsere Ergebnisse zeigen, dass Staatsanleiherenditen in asiatischen Schwellenländern deutlich auf die Veränderungen der Anleiherenditen der USA und der Eurozone reagierten. Dabei fielen die Größenordnungen in den einzelnen Ländern allerdings nicht einheitlich aus. Das Ausmaß der Spillovers variierte zudem im Zeitablauf. Das Muster dieser Variationen kann teilweise durch die Implementierung verschiedener unkonventioneller geldpolitischer Maßnahmen in fortgeschrittenen Ländern erklärt werden.

This dissertation sets out to examine the claims of policymakers and scholars that middle powers act as system-stabilisers during times of hegemony or not. By investigating the role perception and policy responses of three pivotal middle powers - Australia, Indonesia, and South Korea - to the changing regional dynamics in the Asia-Pacific between 2009 and 2020, the research tests the extent to which middle power diplomacy and collectivism can mitigate the destabilising impact of US-China power transition. The original contribution to knowledge in this research is that middle powers are more likely to resort to pragmatism over principle in role conception under the pressures of great power competition. However, middle powers can become significant regional stabilisers by asserting a degree of autonomy in relations with great powers, defending the rule of law in maritime Asia and deepen collaboration between them to consolidate the regional architecture.This dissertation also develops a three-level role-based approach to understand the impact of middle powers during power transition, which helps to add theoretical rigour to middle power theory. The findings from this research will provide new insights about how middle powers navigate the uncertainties in the Asia-Pacific, as well as their pattern of behaviours. Moreover, an empirically-based understanding of the effectiveness of middle power diplomacy and the factors that are shaping it will have practical implications for policymaking.

Southeast Asia is arguably the region where the most interesting developments in the field of freedom of expression have taken place over the past 15-20 years. This article takes the reader on a trip around the region, concentrating particularly on the dramatic events in Indonesia, the Philippines, & Thailand. She deals with the media's disclosure of mismanagement by governments & the latter's attempts to hit back at the press; the dangerous situations this creates for journalists; the buying-off of the free press by powerful commercial groups with political interests; & the responsibility of the press in helping to build up stronger & uncorrupt government institutions. The article gives a panorama of the press situation in the region. Adapted from the source document.

Takeshi Hamashita, arguably Asia's premier historian of the longue durée, has been instrumental in opening a new field of inquiry in Chinese, East Asian and world historical research. Engaging modernization, Marxist and world system approaches, his wide-ranging redefinition of the evolving relationships between the East Asia regional system and the world economy from the sixteenth century to the present has sent ripples throughout Asian and international scholarship. His research has led him to reconceptualize the position of China first in the context of an East Asian regional order