ITALY: EAST OR WEST?
In: The political quarterly, Volume 22, Issue 2, p. 175-186
ISSN: 1467-923X
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In: The political quarterly, Volume 22, Issue 2, p. 175-186
ISSN: 1467-923X
In: Foreign affairs: an American quarterly review, Volume 13, Issue 4, p. 666
ISSN: 2327-7793
In: Foreign affairs, Volume 13, p. 666-679
ISSN: 0015-7120
In: Pacific affairs: an international review of Asia and the Pacific, Volume 5, Issue 5, p. 393
ISSN: 1715-3379
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Volume 336, Issue 1, p. 106-113
ISSN: 1552-3349
The United Nations inherited the Cold War situation and has been the victim of the East-West dispute. It has adjusted remarkably well to that dispute and has played an important role in preventing the East-West conflict from turning into a third world war. The preservation and further development of its capacity to do that in the future are crucial. The great powers, around whose wartime unanimity the United Nations was built, with the partial exceptions of the United States and the United Kingdom, have proven themselves un worthy of the powers given them in the Security Council. When the Soviet use of the veto to impede action was no longer tolerable to the other nations, the locus of power in the United Nations was shifted from the Security Council to the General Assembly. Changes in the Secretariat and the General Assembly recently proposed by the Soviet Union would extend the veto to those bodies. It seems to be the overwhelming wish of the rest of the nations to prevent this; they have dem onstrated greater determination than before to support the Secretary General and to resist those changes. Inasmuch as the principal weapon of the United Nations must be moral force, it is important to prevent the crystallization in the world of blocs against which the combined forces of the rest of the nations in the United Nations could not prevail.—Ed.
In: Sociologický časopis: Czech sociological review, Volume 34, Issue 1, p. 59-72
ISSN: 2336-128X
In: Science & society: a journal of Marxist thought and analysis, Volume 62, Issue 2, p. 312-314
ISSN: 0036-8237
In: The journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Volume 3, Issue 3, p. 610
ISSN: 1467-9655
In: The Foundations of Defensive Defence, p. 135-139
In: Socialist review: SR, Volume 89, p. 25-50
ISSN: 0161-1801
THE PRESENT ESSAY HAS A DOUBLE OBJECTIVE. FIRST, AND MOST IMPORTANT, IT INTENDS TO ANSWER THE QUESTIONS THAT ARE IMPLICIT IN ITS TITLE, WITHIN THE CONTEXT OF THE POST-WORLD WAR II SITUATION AND CONFINED MAINLY TO NORTH AMERICA, WESTERN AND EASTERN EUROPE AND THE USSR. WHAT KIND OF RELATIONSHIP EXISTS, IF ANY AT ALL, BETWEEN THE POLITICAL FORCES IN THE "WEST" AND THE "EAST" THAT CAN BE CALLED, AND CALL THEMSELVES, LEFTIST? IS THIS RELATIONSHIP CHARACTERIZED BY A RECIPROCAL SOLIDARITY OR, ON THE CONTRARY, BY A LACK OF COMPREHENSION FOR EACH OTHER'S RESPECTIVE VALUES, INTERESTS, AND STRATEGIES? DOES IT HAVE A POLITICAL IMPORTANCE OF ANY KIND THAT A DIALOGUE SHOULD EXIST? THE REPLIES TO ALL THESE QUESTIONS SEEM TO BE SELF-EVIDENT. ONE OF THE AUTHORS PRIMARY GOALS THEN IS TO SHOW THAT THIS IS BY NO MEANS THE CASE. MOREOVER, IT IS THE AUTHORS' CONVICTION, A CONVICTION THAT SHAPES THE METHOD OF THE PRESENT STUDY, THAT THERE IS NO GENERAL ANSWER TO THESE QUESTIONS. BOTH THE WAY IN WHICH THEY ARE RAISED AND THE ANSWERS SUPPLIED VARY FROM PERIOD TO PERIOD IN A HECTIC POSTWAR HISTORY.
In: Pacific affairs: an international review of Asia and the Pacific, Volume 27, Issue 1, p. 66
ISSN: 1715-3379
In: International affairs, Volume 30, Issue 1, p. 68-69
ISSN: 1468-2346
In: Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie: KZfSS, Volume 76, Issue 1, p. 1-23
ISSN: 1861-891X
ZusammenfassungDie Unterschiede und Ungleichheiten zwischen Ost- und Westdeutschland wurden nach der Deutschen Einheit als Übergangsstadium verstanden; insbesondere Mentalitätsunterschiede sollten sich im Laufe der Jahre angleichen. Der Beitrag analysiert, wie Ost- und Westdeutsche das Verhältnis zueinander wahrnehmen und inwiefern sich hier Kohortenunterschiede zeigen. Konzeptionell unterscheiden wir drei zentrale Hypothesen, die jeweils eigene empirische Muster nahelegen. Die Sozialisationshypothese geht davon aus, dass es durch die deutsche Teilung einerseits, aber auch durch das Aufwachsen im Staatssozialismus und die Transformationserfahrungen in Ostdeutschland andererseits wahrnehmungsprägende Erfahrungen gibt, die allerdings für nachfolgende Kohorten an Relevanz verlieren. Die Othering-Hypothese besagt, dass sich Ost-West-Differenzen durch Reaktanz auf die (auch diskursive) Dominanz der westdeutschen Mehrheitsgesellschaft immer wieder erneuern und somit für alle Altersgruppen in Ost und West salient bleiben. Die These ostdeutscher Persistenz und Verhärtung schließlich vermutet, dass es nicht zwingend darauf ankommt, selbst in der DDR gelebt zu haben, sondern dass ein ostdeutsches Narrativ in Familien und sozialen Netzwerken weitergegeben wird. Die Salienz des Themas sollte demnach vor allem im Osten nach wie vor hoch sein. Mit neuen Daten aus dem Jahr 2022 können wir zeigen, dass die deutsch-deutschen Trennlinien in der Kohortenfolge unter jungen Westdeutschen verblassen, bei den jungen Ostdeutschen dagegen ein Fortwirken von Unterschieds- und Konfliktwahrnehmungen erkennbar ist. Die Ergebnisse deuten auf die These der ostdeutschen Persistenz und Verhärtung hin, wohingegen für die Westdeutschen die Sozialisationshypothese plausibel erscheint.
In: Rethinking Asia and International Relations
This volume critically assesses measurements of success in East Asian post-conflict development from a human-centered perspective. This involves a major re-evaluation of accepted accounts of domestic governance and international relations in East Asia from both a comparative and inter-disciplinary viewpoint. This book is rich in case studies and provides policy prescriptions for East Asian donors and actors in an effort to provide Asian solutions for Asian problems.
In: International affairs, Volume 57, Issue 3, p. 512-513
ISSN: 1468-2346