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In this article, Diana Mincyte looks at subsidiary farming during the years of intense collectivization and political repressions in Soviet Lithuania, 1948-1953. Through an analysis of how peasants imagined, experienced, and interacted with their environments, Mincyte constructs agricultural labor as a site through which Lithuania's peasants negotiated their relationship to the state and nature. She argues that because the peasants' physical survival during this period depended solely on the harvests from the farms, the peasants constructed themselves primarily as subjects of land and nature, rather than as citizens of the Soviet state. Instead of focusing on how individuals reinvented themselves according to the ideologies of the New Soviet Man/Woman, the environmental approach she develops here shows that creative agricultural labor played a significant role in the processes of building socialism in Lithuania's villages.

This article argues that trust cannot be easily isolated as a form of social interaction without the risk of overseeing the nuance between practices and ideas. Using a case study of a rural community in post-socialist Slovakia, the author examines how trust and trustworthiness are built and applied under conditions of profound social transformation. Following mainstream anthropological approaches to post-socialism, he shows that this transformation has deeply affected the patterns of local social interaction. Moreover, following Slovakia's recent EU accession, increased social and work mobility have further complicated the picture. If trust remains a crucial idea underpinning individual social choices, cognitive constructions of trustworthiness tend to diverge from practices. This is due, among other factors, to the difficulty of calibrating spatial and temporal mental models of trustworthiness with trust as social action.

Populist experiments are recurrent in Latin America. One of the most conspicuous cases is that of Bolivia in the 21th century under the government of Evo Morales and his Movement to Socialism (MAS). A major distinctive feature of this populism is the incorporation of the ethnic and linguistic demands of the large indigenous population. The populism of this century, in common with previous experiences, prioritizes the redistribution of income and wealth, based on the central role of the state and nationalism. Economic policies are aimed at short-term political gains and ignoring long term consequences. However, the aggression to markets, very clear in the policy of nationalizations, has been more important than fiscal and monetary expansion. Also, because of the benign international environment, the MAS government has not had to face fiscal or balance of payments constraints.

The aim of this article is to analyze the decolonization process in Mali & the evolution of its relations with France. The history of Mali is different from that of the Guinea of Sekou Toure, who broke off relations with Paris, but also from that of other francophone states. Oriented towards socialism, Mali reclaimed full control of its economic & monetary policy. But the Franc zone, to which Mali belonged, limited national sovereignty in these fields. Bamako therefore tried to develop a new kind of relationship with Paris. Its attempt to do so is important because it raises questions related to the second phase of the decolonization process: how can the new African states become really independent from an economic point of view, if they do not have the resources to finance their development? Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; This article presents some pacifist ideas developed in various economists' works since the origins of economic thought. The Classicals considered international peace to be a normal result (as well as a necessary condition) of economic development and human progress. Such a conception is also shared by other schools of thought, such as Utopian socialism or institutionalism. Some economists were active in the development of the pacifist movement before the First World War, which led to the organization of several international Peace Congresses. During the Cold War, certain economic studies on military expenditure and the arms race contributed to the denunciation of an excessive militarism. However, the post‐Cold War disarmament highlighted the costs of the necessary peace investment. There is a substantial research agenda and a need for more academic economists to undertake analytical and empirical work in this important field.

International audience ; This article presents some pacifist ideas developed in various economists' works since the origins of economic thought. The Classicals considered international peace to be a normal result (as well as a necessary condition) of economic development and human progress. Such a conception is also shared by other schools of thought, such as Utopian socialism or institutionalism. Some economists were active in the development of the pacifist movement before the First World War, which led to the organization of several international Peace Congresses. During the Cold War, certain economic studies on military expenditure and the arms race contributed to the denunciation of an excessive militarism. However, the post‐Cold War disarmament highlighted the costs of the necessary peace investment. There is a substantial research agenda and a need for more academic economists to undertake analytical and empirical work in this important field.

AbstractIbn Khaldun is one of most discussed social philosophers in the modern Arab World. The most important reasons for this are that he lived in a time of crisis that resembles the one that Muslims find themselves in at the present time, that his thoughts have found approval from Western scientists, and that they possess modern characteristics. It is for these reasons that the thought of Ibn Khaldun, from the 19th century onwards, have given rise to a wide variety of interpretations, including pan-Islamism, nationalism, socialism and other ideologies that have found interest in the Arab world. In this article, after examining the heritage of thought bequeathed by Ibn Khaldun to Arab culture, starting from the time in which he lived, we will try to evaluate interpretations of the Muqaddimah in the modern Arab world.

The article uses business systems theory to analyse post-socialist Central and Eastern Europe, focusing on Hungary. The article briefly reviews five models of post-socialist capitalism — liberal market, coordinated market, heterarchy, neo-colonial and comparative business systems. The article identifies four critical features of postsocialist transformation: asset ownership, capital accumulation, access to local, national and international production systems and the degree of differentiation between state and economy. Four groups — state, privatized, de novo and international — are identified in Hungary, whose business system is segmented, exhibiting a low level of integration. This segmentation is linked to the legacies of socialism, the political history of the transition, including the international context, and uneven post-socialist economic development. The article closes with a plea for `more history and less systems' in the comparative analysis of capitalisms.

The 2006 uprising in southern Mexico's Oaxaca state involved a seizure of power from below by popular organizations in the capital city and many of the rural municipalities. Although this movement has lost ground following the November repression, the state remains politically divided. The grassroots organizations—uniting in the Popular Assembly of the People of Oaxaca (APPO)—explicitly draw their model of local self‐government from the indigenous past. While Marx saw the "traditions of dead generations hanging like a nightmare on the brain of the living," the revolutionaries of Oaxaca see their indigenous traditions—which stretch back to pre‐Columbian times—as a wellspring of their praxis. The project of building a post‐Cold War "21st century socialism" may be gestating in its purest form in Oaxaca, precisely because it is rooted in something ancient.

The mix of old and new in the United States's role as world leader creates ambiguity and confusion. The United States is looking for ways to regain its lost economic punch and to consolidate its world hegemony. At present, however, with no true enemy on the horizon, it is being dragged down by the Soviet collapse. The twentieth century was a period of transition but not from capitalism to socialism. The nonmarket alternative or challenge represented by the Soviet Union gave capitalism the means to overcome many obstacles to its reproduction and raise profits to new levels. The United States occupied a privileged position in that process. However, the twenty-first century demands new solutions for capitalism's inherent contradictions, and as a result the United States is apparently still trying to invent a new Soviet Union.

This article reassesses the Tito-Stalin split of 1948 based on findings from former East-bloc archives. In particular, it shows that the version propagated in the official Yugoslav historiography, suggesting that the break with Moscow arose because of Yugoslavia's distinct path toward socialism, is incorrect. Instead, Josip Broz Tito's unwillingness to give up on his territorial and political ambitions in the Balkans, especially Albania, despite Moscow's objections is the main factor that ultimately sparked the conflict in 1948. Yugoslavia fell afoul of Moscow's policy of enforced Sovietization of the socialist camp, though not because of a long-term Soviet plan or because of particular animosity toward the Yugoslav leadership. Rather, Tito's independent foreign policy provided a welcome pretext to clamp down on Yugoslavia and thereby tighten Soviet control over the other East European states.

This paper locates the collapse of East German communism in Marxist-Leninist monetary theory. By exploring the economic and cultural functions of money in East Germany, it argues that the communist party failed to reconcile its ideological aspirations ­ a society free of the social alienation represented by money and merchandise ­ with the practical exigencies of governing an industrial society by force. Using representative examples of market failure in production and consumption, the paper shows how the party's deep-seated hostility to money led to economic inefficiency and waste. Under Honecker, the party sought to improve living standards by trading political liberalization for West German money. Over time, however, this policy devalued the meaning of socialism by undermining the actual currency, facilitating the communist collapse and overdetermining the pace and mode of German unification.

Résumé Le discours politique d'Hugo Chávez marque une rupture par rapport à celui de ces prédécesseurs. Inspiré par le projet bolivarien et une idéologie nationaliste et socialiste, il propose la mise en place du socialisme du XXI e siècle et d'un bloc régional, qui élimineraient le néo-colonialisme en Amérique latine. En politique intérieure, H. Chávez veut remplacer la démocratie représentative par la démocratie participative. Il a ainsi consolidé son autorité dans le pays et apparaît comme le porte-parole de la contestation vis-à-vis des États-Unis. Or, le discours n'a pas pour le moment été mis en pratique. H. Chávez ne s'est pas attaqué au capitalisme et recourt aux principes de la démocratie représentative. En réalité, le pays poursuit, comme par le passé, sa politique d'influence fondée sur les ressources énergétiques.