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The article reviews main principles and imperatives of the foreign policy provided by actual left-wing governments in Latin America. In a big number of countries in the region, politicians with leftist views have recently come to power. Among them there are the presidents of Argentina, Mexico, Bolivia, Peru, Honduras, Chile and Colombia. The scale of the new "Pink tide" suggests analogies to the "Left turn" that took place in the beginning of the 21st century. However, accents in the current agenda vary and nuances make the difference. The analysis of narrative and political practice of the left leaders shows that traditional commitment to the principles of anti-Americanism and anti-neoliberalism stay relevant. Idea of multipolarity and search for an alternative to US hegemony remain key issues to the international positioning of Latin American states. At the same time, they no longer intend to question liberal international order and global economic conditions. Problem of human rights and combat climate change are getting more important for Latin American countries. A special kind of vision on these global concerns can contribute to their diplomatic ambitions and increase their international status. The challenge of balancing between the two global powers, US and China, push to strengthen ties with the non-region states that belong to the "Global south". Another attribute of the modern regional configuration is lack of an apparent locomotive in the current South American integration system. Too explicit dissimilarities in the strategies of left-wing governments do not give reasons for the emergence of a strong collective platform. The ideology of regionalism that appealed to the great united motherland, is being replaced today by a new configuration where the former interconnectivity between Latin American left regimes is not displayed and mini-lateral cooperation matters. Their realignment and new alliances will be fundamental to the regional balance.

"Drawing on an original survey of more than 5,000 respondents, this book argues that, contrary to claims by the 1994 Zapatista insurgency, indigenous and non-indigenous respondents in southern Mexico have been united by socioeconomic conditions and land tenure institutions as well as by ethnic identity. It concludes that--contrary to many analyses of Chiapas's 1994 indigenous rebellion--external influences can trump ideology in framing social movements. Rural Chiapas's prevalent communitarian attitudes resulted partly from external land tenure institutions, rather than from indigenous identities alone. The book further points to recent indigenous rights movements in neighboring Oaxaca, Mexico, as examples of bottom-up multicultural institutions that might be emulated in Mexico and elsewhere in Latin America"--Provided by publisher

Aoki, A. L.; Nakanishi, D. T.: Asian Pacific Americans and the new minority politics. - S. 605-610. Lai, J. S.; Tam Cho, W. K.; Kim, T. P.; Takeda, O.: Asian-Pacific-American campaigns, elections, and elected officials. - S. 611-618. Geron, K.; Cruz, E. de la; Saito, L. T.; Singh, J.: Asian Pacific American's social movements and interest groups, S. 619-624. Pei-te Lien; Collet, C.; Wong, J.; Ramakrishnan, S. K.: Asian Pacific-American public opinion and political participation. - S. 625-630. Kim, C. J.; Lee, T.: Interracial politics: Asian American and other communities of color, S. 631-637. Watanabe, P. Y.: Global forces, foreign policy, and Asian Pacific Americans, S. 639-644

This article is part of my doctoral thesis (2015) and is determined from a theoretical perspective sustained from the constructivist development through a descriptive and explanatory approach. How it is established and formulated perception in different social actors?, or How the various actors are expressed on this immigration? Begs the question, how and why some migratory flows are perceived as a threat to cultural identity, host depends on where and how it defines itself. In general we find a set of principles that range from establishing who allowed; why they are supported; and what type of migration is accepted. Cultural and identity factors have been little discussed by traditional theories, this is due to the difficulty in their quantification and which were not part of high politics. In the nineties Huntington proposed a simplified description of reality, arguing that we were in a new era, where cultural factors would be the determinants of the international system. The theory of the "clash of civilizations" determined the identification of "enemy away from home". In his latest book Who are we? makes this theory point under the "enemy at home", the determination of a symptom, a speech that follows the logic of "scapegoat". Thus, this term has been used synonymously with excuse, main argument, or screen, understand the value of a speech arguing and validating attitudes for those wishing to undertake a campaign against each other, that is, the game of "Nationalists Charter" anything goes in defense of our supposed identity. ; Este trabajo forma parte de mi tesis de doctorado (2015) y se encuentra determinada desde una perspectiva teórica sostenida desde el desarrollo constructivista a través de un abordaje descriptivo-explicativo. ¿Cómo se establece y formula la percepción en los diferentes actores sociales?, o ¿Cómo los diversos actores se expresan sobre esta inmigración? Nos lleva a preguntarnos, cómo y por qué algunos flujos migratorios son percibidos como amenaza a la identidad cultural, depende del lugar de acogida y cómo ésta se define a sí misma. En general nos encontramos con una serie de principios que van desde establecer a quienes se admiten; por qué se los admite; y a qué tipo de migración se acepta. Los factores culturales e identitarios han sido poco discutido por las teorías tradicionales, esto se debe, a su dificultad en cuanto a su cuantificación y, a que no formaban parte de la alta política. En la década del noventa Huntington propuso una descripción simplificada de la realidad, sosteniendo que nos encontrábamos en una nueva etapa, donde los factores culturales serían los determinantes del sistema internacional. La teoría del "choque de las civilizaciones" determinaba la identificación del "enemigo fuera de casa". En su último libro ¿Quiénes somos? convierte esta teoría en virtud de señalar al "enemigo en casa", la determinación de un síntoma, un discurso que sigue la lógica del "chivo expiatorio". De esta manera este término ha sido utilizado como sinónimo de excusa, principal argumento, o pantalla, entender lo valioso de un discurso argumentando y convalidando actitudes para quienes desean emprender una campaña contra otros, es decir, el juego de la "Carta Nacionalistas", el todo vale en defensa de nuestra supuesta identidad.

This article explains the construction of panethnicity through the detailed examples of Asian Pacific American ethnic groups & the similar hardships they have endured, thus, bringing them together in their common struggle for social & political equality. It concentrates on two specific groups: the South Asians (citing the New York City Cab Strike of 1998 as an example of grassroots efforts) & the Filipino Americans & their opposition to the Marcos regime. In addition, it provides an overview of the efforts, past & present, to preserve ethnic enclaves (eg, Boston's Chinatown). It is concluded that an ever-expanding & diverse Asian Pacific American population has & will continue to join together to achieve their goals & protect their interests. 51 References. M. D. Cowder

AbstractWhen one political party gains control of American national governing institutions, it increases the prospects of enacting its policy agenda. Faced with this partisan misalignment, the authors expect state governments controlled by the national out-party to respond to the national partisan context with more state policy activism. The study examines changes in state policy liberalism from 1974 to 2019, and finds that both Republican- and Democratic-controlled states have pushed policy further in their preferred ideological directions when the opposing party has greater partisan control over the national policy agenda in Washington. It also identifies differences between the two parties. While the effect of Republican control modestly increases as Democrats gain power at the national level, Democratic-controlled states have shown dramatically larger shifts in policy liberalism during periods of Republican national control. This arrangement, however, appears to be a contemporary one, emerging in the more polarized political environment since the mid-1990s.

This book, first published in 1986, examines the race and immigration issues by considering the nature of the black 'constituency' and its political responses to issues related to the crisis of Britain's inner cities. It centrally examines black access to and integration into the public policy process and views public policy responses and how these affect black politics. American experience provides a 'model' against which the British approach is viewed. The book looks at the background to the crisis, and its roots in economic decline. It also elaborates the historical development of government policy and legislation towards race and immigration, and the impact of community relations agencies, housing and education policy, and immigrant legislation. Black political action is considered, with particular emphasis on interest-group activity and community organisation. A concluding chapter looks at various policy options affecting blacks in Britain, comparing British and American approaches to community development and participation

Recently a number of Latin American countries have made significant reforms to its domestic laws relating insurance contract. Particularly Chile, by a reform of the insurance contract chapter on its Code of Commerce, and Peru, by issuing a specific insurance law. Also countries like México and Panama, decided to regulate the financial and insurance sector, by issuing new laws relating the regulation and control of the insurance business, laws that necessarily project its effects on the special relationships between insured and insurers. The study of these new pieces of legislation in this matter, should contribute to discuss about the reform of insurance law in Colombia. Topics such as the reticence, reticent statements, or misrepresentation on insured's declaration of the state of risk; the increase of risk; the application of regulatory standards for contracts; the identification of the parties; the offer and acceptance on the preliminary negotiation in the insurance contract; and many others related issues are remarked on this paper. ; En los años recientes, varios países latinoamericanos han realizado importantes reformas a sus legislaciones relacionadas con la disciplina privada del contrato de seguro. Particularmente Chile y Perú procedieron a ello, en el primer caso, sustituyendo el capítulo correspondiente al contrato de seguro en su Código de Comercio de muy antigua vigencia, y en el segundo, expidiendo una ley específica sobre el tema. También países como México y Panamá, dentro del marco de sus normas de derecho público destinadas a regular la actividad financiera y de seguros, han expedido leyes nuevas relacionadas con la vigilancia y el control de la actividad aseguradora, que necesariamente se proyectan en mayor o menor medida sobre las relaciones particulares que surgen entre asegurados y aseguradores. El conocimiento de esas nuevas legislaciones es un elemento insustituible para la reforma que tarde o temprano deberá operarse sobre la nuestra que data ya de más de cuarenta años. Temas como la reticencia o inexactitud en la declaración del estado del riesgo, la agravación del riesgo, la imperatividad de las normas regulatorias del contrato, la identificación de las partes, la regulación de la oferta y de la etapa precontractual en el contrato de seguro, y muchas otras, son objeto de análisis y comentario en este artículo.